In the early 1920s, Germany orchestrated an international propaganda campaign against colonial French troops stationed in the Rhineland that used the racist epithet “black horror on the Rhine,” and focused on claims of widespread sexual violence against innocent Rhenish maidens by African French soldiers, in order to discredit the Versailles Treaty. I argue that black horror propaganda fused elements of Allied propaganda—especially images of the barbaric “Hun”—with Germany's own wartime propaganda against colonial Allied troops. I use the significant film against colonial soldiers, Die schwarze Schmach (The Black Shame, 1921), to highlight the tensions and pitfalls of the German propagandistic strategy. As the debates over the film illustrate, black horror propaganda often had the effect of reminding audiences of German war crimes rather than diverting attention away from them. The ultimate ban of Die schwarze Schmach demonstrates the complex political nature of the 1920s backlash against atrocity propaganda.
A Movie Ban and the Dilemmas of 1920s German Propaganda against French Colonial Troops
A Protestant Perspective
First, I want to say thank you for the invitation to speak here to you on the ‘holy mountain’ from a Protestant perspective. With me, you get a reverend from the Protestant church in Rhineland. I live with my bicultural family in Cologne and I work for the section on theology, ecumenics and interreligious dialogue at the Melanchthon Academy, the place for Protestant adult education in Cologne. For a long time it has been a place for Christian-Jewish and Christian-Muslim dialogue, and sometimes we succeed to talk as all three together. For example at the evangelischen Kirchentag in Cologne we organised an Abraham center and we signed the Cologne Peace Declaration, signed by representatives from synagogues, mosques and the churches.
The article examines the ways in which French officers manipulated the image of the "savage and violent" African colonial soldier. While the background for the development of this image was the general European perception of Africa as a violent space, during World War I, officers, as well as parts of the French public, began to see Africans as "grown children" rather than savages. However, as this image served French military purposes and made the soldiers useful on the battlefields, it was not rejected outright. I look at the debate around recruiting Africans to serve in Europe on the eve of World War I, and the French attempts to refute the German accusations around the deployment of African soldiers in the Rhineland during the 1920s. Finally I examine how, thirty years later, during the Indochina War, African officers dealt with these conflicting images in reports about violent incidents in which African soldiers had been involved.
Factors Behind its Emergence and Profile of a New Right-wing Populist Party
. The prospects for this newcomer were from the outset rather dim. The March 2016 state elections in Baden-Württemberg, Rhineland-Palatinate, and Saxony-Anhalt saw it failing to garner more than one percent of the vote anywhere. Where could it have
Rhine-Westfalia] ( Braunschweig : Westermann , 2015 ). Baumgärtner , Ulrich , Horizonte 10, Rheinland-Pfalz [Horizons 10, Rhineland-Palatinate] ( Braunschweig : Westermann , 2016 ). Bäuml-Stosiek , Dagmar , Forum Geschichte 11, Bayern
Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (1995) 1995–2017 (22) 41 41 North-Rhine Westphalia (1952) 1952–2018 (66) 187 187 Rhineland-Palatinate (1947) 1947–2019 (72) 332 330 Saarland (1959) 1959–2015 (56) 49 49 Saxony (1993
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Rhineland crisis in 1936, the country’s leaders felt more than ever that they could not act without Britain. That had already become clear fourteen years earlier, when they occupied the Ruhr and when their strength relative to Germany’s was infinitely