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The Future of Representative Politics

On Tormey, Krastev and Rosanvallon

Mihail Evans

democratic societies is much more complex and involves both formal and informal elements. In this I draw on the work of Pierre Rosanvallon who, beyond the immediate context of the protest waves that came in the years after 2008, has developed an account of

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From Solidarity to Social Inclusion

The Political Transformations of Durkheimianism

Derek Robbins

The article begins with Pierre Rosanvallon's account of the mutations of 'Jacobin ideology' and the function of sociology in criticising this in France at the end of the nineteenth century. I suggest it was not Durkheim's intention simply to criticise a 'Jacobin' form of political ideology. Rather, it was to construct an affinity between sociological explanation and social facts, such that sociological discourse would appropriate the sphere of the political and take part, by so doing, in the constitution of a participative social democracy. I then touch on the post-mortem academicisation of Durkheim's work in France between the wars, to ask if the emergent Durkheimianism neutralised Durkheim's original socio-political intentions. This leads to a discussion of the resurgent domination of the discourse of politics in the 1960s, as manifested in Aron's critiques of Durkheim and in his defence of constitutional law at the beginning of the Fifth Republic, but also to an examination of Bourdieu's attempt to retrieve Durkheim's original orientation and to revive the political dynamism of social movements. I comment on the analysis, made in the 1970s by Bourdieu (and Boltanski), of the construction of the dominant postwar ideology in French politics, which includes their critique of 'planification' and of the work, amongst others, of Jacques Delors. They saw the language used by the newly dominant political managers as exploiting the sociological discourse of 'solidarity' and 'social exclusion', not to realize its intentions, but to reinforce their own control. I briefly consider the argument's implications for an analysis of European Commission social policy initiatives during the presidency of Delors, comment on the British Conservative government's objections in the 1980s and 1990s to the very use of this language, and ask if the Labour government's adoption of the discourse of 'social inclusion' in 1997 was indicative of either a political or a social agenda. Finally, I return to Rosanvallon and situate his work politically within the ideological debate of 1995 between him and Bourdieu. It is to conclude with the suggestion that Rosanvallon's apparent disinclination to recognize the importance of Durkheim's work is indicative of his present position-taking, which necessarily entails a suppression of Durkheim's real intentions.

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European Democracy after COVID-19

Ulrike Guérot and Michael Hunklinger

electoral body. General, secret, direct, and equal elections thus constitute, in the words of famous French sociologist Pierre Rosanvallon, “Le Sace du Citoyen”—the “sacred” of the citizens ( Rosanvallon 1992 ). In current European discussions, where the

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Book Reviews

Camille Robcis and Benjamin Poole

law. In the section on liberalism, Chabal includes a captivating analysis of the works of Raymond Aron, François Furet, and Pierre Rosanvallon, which he interprets as “counter-narratives to neo-republicanism.” Ultimately, Chabal suggests that this

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The Modernity of Political Representation

Its Innovative Thrust and Transnational Semantic Transfers during the Sattelzeit (Eighteenth to Nineteenth Centuries)

Samuel Hayat and José María Rosales

. Otto Brunner, Werner Conze, and Reinhart Koselleck (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1984), 509–547. 11 Bernard Manin, The Principles of Representative Government (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Pierre Rosanvallon, Le peuple introuvable

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Reform, Transformation, Emancipation

Conceptualizing Political Protest in Modern Democracies

Christian Volk

, people who can conduct these debates (see. Casas-Cortés et. al 2008: 22 ). Balancing Dramatization and Exchange Some scholars see the defining characteristic of contemporary protest initiatives in their “negative politics” ( Rosanvallon 2008: 182

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Democracies and Their Crises Reconsidered

Wolfgang Merkel and Jean-Paul Gagnon

Habermas and Claus Offe are more optimistic concerning the prospects of democracy and less critical vis-à-vis social democracy. Gagnon: This brings to mind an argument that Pierre Rosanvallon (with Gagnon 2014) raised about when a democracy starts to see

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On the Relevance of Niccolò Machiavelli's Understanding of Time for Contemporary Politics

Benjamin Schmid

decisions ( Rosa 2005: 394–396, 407–410; 2016: 376 ). Politics is more concerned with managing situations than with controlling structures ( Rosanvallon 2018: 64 ). Hence policies are to be guided by a logic of constraint that shows decisions to be without

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Reading Machiavelli and La Boétie with Lefort

Interpretation, Ideology and Conflict Then and Now

Emmanuel Charreau

historians ( Moyn 2006 : 13–14; Rosanvallon 2006: 76 ). First, Lefort's practice is not concerned with the discovery of eternal truths (like philosophia perennis ). Second, unlike the history of ideas, it does not imply an independent logic of ideas. Third

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The Perception of Time and the Meaning of History among Spanish Intellectuals of the Nineteenth Century

Ana Isabel González Manso

, Pierre Rosanvallon highlighted that although doctrinaires used history to challenge the jus rationalist model (already criticized by Burke), they did so in a very different way than the representatives of German political romanticism, which extolled the