Most studies of the social and political upheavals of the Second Republic treat violence as the main way people resisted the military coup and repression of 1851 and view political dissent through the lens of class. But the suppression of unorthodox political voices in the academy brings another form of resistance to light. Close personal networks and the organizational culture of the French academy distinguished the universitaires' animosity toward Louis Napoleon. To map the patterns of teachers' dissent, I use the proceedings of the Carnot Commission, an organ created by the emergency government of 1870 to gather information about the universitaires who had suffered political persecution around the time of the 1851 coup and offer them restitution. The Commission's work reveals a pattern of personal connections and distaste for authoritarianism that reflected the republican consensus as it emerged in the 1870s.
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Colonizing Revolutionary Politics
Algeria and the French Revolution of 1848
Jennifer E. Sessions
This article examines the key role of the French colony in Algeria in the political culture of the Revolution of 1848. Eugène Cavaignac and other army officers with Algerian experience led the state's repression of radical unrest, and their colonial backgrounds became a central narrative trope in debates about political violence in France, especially after the June Days uprising. Following the closure of the National Workshops, legislators adopted a major scheme for working-class emigration to and settlement in Algeria to replace the workshops and resolve unrest. Throughout 1848, Algeria operated as a symbolic and practical field for the struggle between social and political revolution in France.
Carlo Fusaro and Amie Kreppel
The year 2011 is remembered as the year when Silvio Berlusconi’s government
fell and the Italian Second Republic entered its final stage,1
and the following year, 2012, has been remembered as the year dominated
by technocrats in power.2 In contrast, 2013 has proven to be a
year of incomplete transitions. The year has marked a period during
which the Italian political and institutional system reached a nearly
complete decisional stalemate, unable to move forward with political,
institutional, or economic initiatives despite several erstwhile attempts.
The Great Reform That Never Was
Alessandro Chiaramonte and Alex Wilson
In Italy, 2016 was meant to be the year of the “great reform,” a constitutional revision that would have concluded the never-ending transition from “First” to “Second” Republic, a long process involving several transformations in the electoral system and party system since the 1990s. It did not turn out this way. Instead, the Renzi-Boschi law for constitutional revision, which started its parliamentary procedure in April 2014 and saw its final reading in the Chamber of Deputies in April 2016, was eventually rejected by voters in a confirmative referendum held on 4 December.
Anna Bosco and Duncan McDonnell
The year 2011 seems likely to be remembered not only as the year
when Silvio Berlusconi’s government fell after three years in office, but
as the year when the Italian Second Republic entered its final phase.
Having been dominated since 1994 by the pro-/anti-Berlusconi cleavage,
Italian politics and its party system at the end of 2011 appeared
to be moving, or at least stumbling, toward a new and uncertain configuration.
The obvious immediate reason for this was the resignation
of the government on 12 November in the face of a financial crisis that
was rendering the country’s debt unsustainable and its party political
leaders ever less internationally credible. Nonetheless, the simple
conclusion that the Berlusconi government was replaced by Mario
Monti’s technocratic executive due to pressure from the markets and
the European Union (EU) is not sufficient to understand either why
this event occurred or what its effects might be.
Naomi J. Andrews and Jennifer E. Sessions
Scholarly attention to the history and legacies of France's overseas empire is a welcome development of the last two decades, but the field of modern French colonial history has become overly focused on the “tensions” and “contradictions” of universalist republican imperialism. This introduction argues that we must recognize the ideological diversity of the French state and the complexity of the relationships between colonial and metropolitan histories in the modern period. The articles in this special issue show the critical role of the non-republican regimes of the nineteenth century in the construction of the modern French empire, and the ways that colonial entanglements shaped processes of post-Revolutionary reconstruction in France under the Restoration (1815–1830), July Monarchy (1830–1848), Second Republic (1848–1851), and Second Empire (1852–1870).
The referendum of 18 April 1999 was intended to force parliament,
by pressure of public opinion, to revise the mixed electoral system
in a more decisively anti-proportional direction. The existing system,
introduced in 1993, was a compromise outcome which had
resulted from a similar mobilisation against the still powerful parliamentary
elites of the so-called First Republic. Subsequently, supporters
of proportionality had sought to reinforce their position
and the principle of proportional representation, for example via
new legislation on party financing. With the failure of the third
attempt at constitutional reform via parliament (1997–8) and continuing
government instability exemplified by the change of prime
minister and cabinet in October 1998, many despaired of the establishment
of the much invoked and much contested Second Republic.
The failure of the 1999 referendum to reach the quorum,
despite a huge majority in favour of its majoritarian implications,
led many to conclude that a cycle of referendum-driven reform had
come to an end, and with it the chance of achieving a new institutional
framework for the Republic. The pressure for reform
remained strong, however, and new referendum campaigns for
electoral and wider reform were immediately launched.
History Teaching and Cultural Hegemony
Representations of the Spanish Civil War in Francoist History Textbooks of the 1960s
study of post-Franco-era textbooks, came to the conclusion that textbook descriptions of the Second Republic and the civil war remained essentially unchanged between 1953 and 1970, 26 Boyd points to innovations in imparted narratives of the civil war
Naomi J. Andrews and Benoit Coquard
the way temporal categories, resting on linear notions of progressive development, operated to underwrite capitalist and bourgeois hegemony during the July Monarchy, Second Republic, and Second Empire. The linkage he draws between attitudes toward the
Girl, Interrupted and Continued
Rethinking the Influence of Elena Fortún’s Celia
Ana Puchau de Lecea
world during the Second Republic (1931–1939), a period of social progress that preceded the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). Although progressive elements were silenced under Francisco Franco’s dictatorship (1939–1975) in the decades to follow, Fortún