Facing linkage problems, parties in Germany have started to respond to a changing media environment by reforming their internal structures of opinion forming and decision making, inter alia reacting to the rise of the social web and the successes of the Pirate Party whose party organization is to a large extent “digitalized”. Whether and how established parties implement and adapt Internet tools, i.e., whether these could contribute to more participation of the “party on the ground” or whether they strengthen the “party in central office” is the focus of this article. The case study on the employment of an online platform for drafting a motion for the party convention of the German Social Democrats in December 2011 reveals that the “party in central office” controlled the online procedure as well as the processing of the results to a remarkable extent—thereby constraining the participatory potential of the tool. At the same time, the case study indicates a quality of online collaboration platforms that might limit the instrumentalization of these tools by the party elites in the long run and possibly re-empower the “party on the ground.”
Katharina Hanel and Stefan Marschall
Dan Hough and Michael Koß
Despite its recent electoral successes, the Left Party's position in the German party system is more fragile that it may at first appear. The Left Party gained support in 2005 largely on account of dissatisfaction with other parties and not because masses of voters were flocking to its (nominally socialist) cause. Not even a majority from within its own supporter base thought it possessed "significant problem solving competences." Rather, much of the Left Party's political discourse is based on negative dismissals of much that it sees—in policy terms—before it. We discuss the Left Party's political development through the prism of populist politics. After outlining what we understand populism to mean, we analyze the Left Party's programmatic stances and political strategy within the context of this framework. Although populism is certainly not the sole preserve of the Left Party, it clearly excels in using populist tools to make political headway. We conclude by discussing the ramifications that this has for German party politics in general and for the Social Democratic Party in particular.
In the 2009 federal election, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) achieved the worst electoral result in its history. Immediately afterwards, the party worked to improve its public image and fine-tune its policies and electoral message, hoping that state elections in the ensuring period might provide some momentum going into the next national election. Yet, in 2013, the Social Democrats improved their result only modestly, with Angela Merkel and the Christian Democratic/Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU) again gaining a decisive victory. This article explores the reasons behind the SPD's failure to radically improve its electoral showing, arguing that this can best be explained by a combination of the impact of the past—namely, the legacy of its economic reforms during the Schröder era and the SPD's disadvantages coming out of the previous Grand Coalition—as well as the weakness of its 2013 chancellor candidate, Peer Steinbrück, and the popularity of Angela Merkel. The article therefore suggests that the immediate future does not look particularly bright for the SPD: any chances of gaining the chancellorship are largely out of its hand, dependent on both stumbles by its rival, the CDU/CSU, as well as the taming of a possible coalition partner, the Left Party.
On 20th Century Revolutionary Socialism, from Poland to Peru and beyond
Jean-Numa Ducange, Camila Vergara, Talat Ahmed, and Christian Høgsbjerg
process of internationalisation of capital and of social struggles. Then, as a member of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), she became a leading revolutionary figure who advocated a radical break with capitalism when others were still seeking to
Louise K. Davidson-Schmich
Deutschland,” Social Democratic Party of Germany, Dortmund, 25 June 2017; available at https://www.spd.de/fileadmin/Dokumente/Bundesparteitag_2017/Es_ist_Zeit_fuer_mehr_Gerechtigkeit-Unser_Regierungsprogramm.pdf , accessed 18 April 2018. 40 No party earned
Reading the New Right
“Heimatministerium.” In Bavaria, the csu already institutionalized the term in 2013. 92 Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands/Social Democratic Party of Germany 93 Frank-Walter Steinmeier, “Speech by Federal President Frank-Walter Steinmeier at the ceremony
The Economics of German Natural Gas Imports from Russia, 1982 and 2014 Compared
Stephen G. Gross
Economics Ministry officials deemed 15 percent an acceptable level, Chancellor Helmut Schmidt (Social Democratic Party of Germany, spd ) himself drew the line at 30 percent. 9 Figure 1 German Imports of Natural Gas By Country, 1973–2014 (Million Cubic