The appearance of social media has enabled the recruitment of Indigenous 1 populations into sexual exploitation. As recently as the last decade, social media lacked substantial influence on recruitment, but today it is routinely employed by those
Dustin William Louie
The Social Media has become an important part of our (online) lives, in an incredibly short period of time. This paper will explore to what extent it contributes to fostering interfaith dialogue. Its impact depends on the people who use it - and how they use it. The Social Media challenges traditional hierarchies (including religious hierarchies) because control moves from website owners to users which means that “everyone is a publisher and everyone is a critic.“ Although the less personal nature of online communication makes it easier for information to be distorted, there are examples of good practice to promote interfaith dialogue. The Social Media can also overcome ignorant stereotypes and combat prejudice, (although it is also (ab)used to promote prejudice). In interfaith dialogue, the Social Media needs to provide a safe space for users, to facilitate trust and to help users feel a sense of connection with the 'other'. Although this can be more easily achieved in a face-to- face encounter because the 'virtual world' will only ever be virtual, the Social Media should be integrated into interfaith dialogue so that it not only contributes to positive political change but also to furthering inter- religious understanding.
Carrie A. Rentschler
Young feminists use social media in order to respond to rape culture and to hold accountable the purveyors of its practices and ways of thinking when mainstream news media, police and school authorities do not. This article analyzes how social networks identified with young feminists take shape via social media responses to sexual violence, and how those networks are organized around the conceptual framework of rape culture. Drawing on the concept of response-ability, the article analyzes how recent social media responses to rape culture evidence the affective and technocultural nature of current feminist network building and the ways this online criticism re-imagines the position of feminist witnesses to rape culture.
John G. Wilson
Recently, social-media tools have been widely credited with igniting pervasive social upheavals in the Middle East, some of which brought down governments. This article explores the putative structure of such gatherings and considers new developments in what such collectives might be from a Sartrean perspective, in particular as mediated by the arrival of social media. A Sartrean perspective on the still indefinite composition of media collectives is offered under Sartre's concept of the groupe en fusion, yet still open to discussion under his concept of individual free choice. Throughout, the chimerical presence of the We-subject, as an ontologically suspect entity arises, in particular when reification is attempted by socialmedia users living under illiberal political regimes. The situation of dissident women in the Middle East is often referred to.
A Comparative Case Study of the Mass Mobilization Process in France and South Korea
This article explores why people adopt different processes to participate in mass mobilizations, using the 2006 Anti-CPE (labor law) Movement in France and the 2008 Candlelight Movement against American Beef Imports in South Korea as case studies. In France, initiators and participants followed the ‘ready-made’ way: left-wing organizations led the whole process of mass mobilizations. In contrast, in South Korea, initiators came from ‘nowhere’: they were middle and high school students without any political organizations; participants were ‘tainted’ by the left-wing political line. The key finding of this study is that the levels of demarcation of political lines in people’s everyday life may explain this difference. In France, strong establishment of a political line in people’s everyday life brought fewer new actors, creating less surprise but a solid mobilization; in South Koreas, the less-established political line in people’s everyday life attracted more new actors, creating more surprise but ‘frivolous’ mobilizations.
Teenage Girls’ Forays into Digital and School-Based Feminisms
Crystal Kim and Jessica Ringrose
indelibly sexist. In these and other recent examples, teen feminists are troubling what Sinikka Aapola et al. (2005) think of as engrained constructions of youth, particularly girls, as lacking in political agency. Social media are opening spheres of
Nicki Minaj’s Anaconda, Instagram Reproductions, and Viral Memetic Violence
Aria S. Halliday
On social media, the number of people or, rather, IP addresses that distribute a video, an article, or an image constitutes its popularity. Usually, the spreading of these items—their virality—is based on shock value. In a discussion of virality and
Weaknesses in Corporate and Law Enforcement Responses to Cyberviolence against Girls
Suzanne Dunn, Julie S. Lalonde and Jane Bailey
barriers it poses. Second, we discuss the increased risks faced by girls who subvert gender norms in online spaces. Third, we interrogate existing reporting options available to girls. We argue that current practices by social media companies and law
Kinship, State and Social Media Conflict in Networked Jordan
whether the break with older publics, antagonisms, emotions and modes of sociality is as stark as such testimonies suggest. These criticisms of young people’s social media usage have come at a time when my interlocutors’ and my social media feeds teem with
Making Sense of the Digital Political Landscape and Assessing the Potential for Mobilization versus Apathy
role within their day-to-day lives. Teresa, like many of the participants, regularly cited using different forms of social media to keep up with current events, and choosing sources based on the information she required: Most of the time I will rely on