On 25 January 2011, Egyptians took to the streets to protest against injustice and oppression. These public demonstrations lasted for three weeks, during which this peaceful tidal wave of people did not abate, culminating in the resignation of Egypt's president, Hosni Mubarak. These field notes, taken during two days of the protests, register the pendulum swings from hope to fear as recorded by one Egyptian anthropologist.
Thoughts from the Midan
Deleuze, Badiou, Rancière and Tahrir Square, 2011
How should one make theoretical sense of what has been called 'the miracle of Tahrir Square' – the fact that the Egyptian people successfully ousted a dictator in a peaceful manner, where militant groups had failed to do so by force? In this article it is argued that Deleuze/Guattari's notion of the subject in terms of desiring-machines, flows, schizophrenic production and the 'body-without-organs', enables one to theorise human subjectivity as being in process, and not 'self-identical', as mainstream thinking would have it. Deleuze's thought on societies of control further suggests the concept of rhizomatic lines of subversion of hegemonic networks from within the latter. Further, Alain Badiou's consonant conception of the subject – as one of multiple 'emplacements' – represents a spatial perspective on individual subjects which similarly eschews the pitfalls of an abstract notion of human subjectivity in favour of one that conceives of the subject as inescapably 'placed' in multiple spatial coordinates, as it were. In addition, Jacques Rancière's radicalisation of 'politics' in terms of 'equality' and 'dissensus' enables one to grasp the fleeting events of Tahrir Square as paradigmatic of 'true' democracy. In this way these theoretical positions provide a model that is commensurate with evidence that the 2011 Egyptian uprising avoided the trap of hierarchical thinking and practice, pursuing the goal of political liberation and (radical) democratisation along non-hierarchical, 'leaderless', complex, rhizomatic communicational networks instead. This avoided the paralysing tendency to think and behave on the basis of oppositionally conceived, mutually exclusive adversarial agencies – the 'us' and 'them' syndrome. The article explores the implications of this complex notion of subjectivity, on the one hand, in relation to the radical democratic practice displayed in Tahrir Square, on the other.
Egyptian Antiquities and Contested Histories in the Cairo Museum
During the Egyptian revolution in January 2011, the antiquities museum in Tahrir Square became the focus of press attention amid claims of looting and theft, leading Western organizations and media outlets to call for the protection of Egypt’s ‘global cultural heritage’. What passed without remark, however, was the colonial history of the Cairo museum and its collections, which has shaped their postcolonial trajectory. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Cairo museum was a pivotal site for demonstrating control of Egypt on the world stage through its antiquities. More than a century later, these colonial visions of ancient Egypt, and its place in museums, continue to exert their legacy, not only in the challenges faced by the Egyptian Antiquities Museum at a crucial stage of redevelopment, but also in terms of museological practice in the West.
the basis for a new process of political composition’ (p. 25). One noticeable feature of the crowd events of our time, from Tahrir Square to Occupy and beyond, is that they fail to produce lasting institutional and political changes. Or, in Dean
Connective Agency and the Aesthetics of the Egyptian Revolution
glorify the first eighteen days in Tahrir Square, 25 January to 11 February 2011. Rather, what I seek here is a way, and a language, with which to understand the profound fact unmistakably perceived by all: the awakened claim to political agency by the
A Response to Laila Soliman’s No Time for Art
revolution, I had the irrational feeling that I might run into Ahmed ‘Issam Fathi, or at least people who had known him. However, when I eventually got to Tahrir Square, I was not prepared for how it had become a “no go” zone as opposed to public commons. It
John Gillespie, Kyle Shuttleworth, Nik Farrell Fox, and Mike Neary
Sartrean themes within contemporary political practice to our present (though the author does, at one stage, discuss Sartre's analysis in relation to the events in Tahrir Square during the recent Arab Spring), as well as projecting his political legacy into
Reflective Remarks in Three Snapshots
grateful that their youthful ‘outburst’ had been heard by their well-meaning elders. 9 Shafik then denounced as ‘out of bounds’ the Tahrir Square protesters’ chief demand, Mubarak’s immediate resignation. Citing what he called Mubarak’s long and glorious
Why Pro-democracy Activity Was Avoided in Gulf Nations during the Arab Spring
Charles Mitchell, Juliet Dinkha, and Aya Abdulhamid
-immolation also continued in Egypt, with a protestor setting himself ablaze outside the Parliament of Egypt in Cairo and five other protestors successively committing similar acts. Antigovernment insurgents swiftly occupied Tahrir Square in the capital city
Insights from Jordan
Camp and its development and history. 10 Political artwork may be erased, either defaced or entirely painted over, as was the fate of the phenomenal art around Tahrir Square created during Egypt's uprising in 2011. 11 Personal correspondence, 2019