On 10 May 1881, Ferdinand-Philippe Belin, France’s superintendent of public education in Algeria, wrote to the minister of public instruction and future prime minister of the Third Republic, Jules Ferry, to express his anxiety over an issue that
“Algeria for the Algerians”
Public Education and Settler Identity in the Early Third Republic
Beyond Left and Right, and the Politics of the Third Republic
William D. Irvine
Scholars of Third Republic France have long assumed that the political spectrum was divided into a readily identifiable Right and Left, adhering to mutually exclusive positions. But this comfortable political taxonomy could, at times, to violence to political reality. The Right could at some periods in the history of the Third Republic be aggressively nationalistic; at other times it could be positively irenic. The Left was often pacifist, but not always and there were moments when it, or some fraction of it, could be quite bellicose. Neither anti-Semitism nor racism in general were the exclusive province of the Right. On critical issues, the Left could be more refractory to women's rights than was the Right. French fascism claimed to be neither right nor left and at least some French fascist movements could list as many former members of the Left among its leaders as former members of the Right.
Frondeuses and Feminists in the Work of Arvède Barine (1840–1908)
blend of femininity, accomplishment, and independence. Along with other recent works cited below, it offers another example of the varied ways that women in Third Republic France engaged with public debates about women and gender. Barine's contradictory
Gérard Noiriel's Third Republic
Robert O. Paxton
Gérard Noiriel, Les Origines républicaines de Vichy (Paris: Hachette Littératures, 1999).
Of Traiteurs and Tsars
Potel et Chabot and the Franco-Russian Alliance
Willa Z. Silverman
Between 1893 and 1901, the Parisian traiteur Potel et Chabot catered a series of gala meals celebrating the recent Franco-Russian alliance, which was heralded in France as ending its diplomatic isolation following the Franco-Prussian War. The firm was well adapted to the particularities of the unlikely alliance between Tsarist Russia and republican France. On the one hand, it represented a tradition of French luxury production, including haute cuisine, that the Third Republic was eager to promote. On the other, echoing the Republic’s championing of scientific and technological progress, it relied on innovative transportation and food conservation technologies, which it deployed spectacularly during a 1900 banquet for over twenty-two thousand French mayors, a modern “mega-event.” Culinary discourse therefore signaled, and palliated concerns about, the improbable nature of the alliance at the same time as it revealed important changes taking place in the catering profession.
Decorating Mothers, Defining Maternity
The Invention of the French Family Medal and the Rise of Profamily Ideology in 1920s France
Hannah M. Stamler
during the interwar. 4 This article offers the first detailed analysis of the creation of this curious decoration, enriching work on late Third Republic natalism, maternalism, and feminism by interrogating the role of material culture in the CSN's quest
Republican Socialism and Gendered Portrayals of Catholic Masculinity in Nineteenth-Century France
republican socialism and the Catholic Church that existed during the July Monarchy had developed into antagonism and open hostility by the Third Republic. 1 For these socialists, the Church had become an open ally of the bourgeoisie and the class system it
Du symbolisme au néo-classicisme, de l'anarchisme à l'extrême droite
le double revirement de Camille Mauclair
The trajectory of the writer and critic Camille Mauclair (1872–1945) was marked by two ruptures: having begun his career within the internationalized avant-gardes, oriented toward Symbolism and Anarchism, he moved away from these circles at the turn of the century. Indeed, the crisis that Symbolism and Anarchism underwent during these years led Mauclair toward Neo-Classicism. To his new esthetic vision was added, during the Great War, a nationalist positioning that led him to virulent xenophobia in the interwar period. Foreign artists were henceforth denounced by Mauclair as being the cause of France's so-called cultural decadence. The turnaround in Mauclair's esthetic and political vision reflects the “return to order” tendencies that grew stronger in French culture from the end of the nineteenth century, attaining their summit during World War II. The propagation of these tendencies was largely due to the influence that the esthetic and ideological reflections of Charles Maurras exerted in intellectual circles.
French La trajectoire de l'écrivain et critique Camille Mauclair (1872–1945) fut marquée par deux ruptures: ayant commencé sa carrière au sein des avant-gardes internationalisées, orientées vers le symbolisme et l'anarchis me, il s'éloigna de ces milieux au tournant du siècle. En eff et, la crise subie par le symbolisme et l'anarchisme durant ces années amena Mauclair vers le néo-classicisme. À cette nouvelle vision esthétique s'ajouta, durant la Grande Guerre, un positionnement nationaliste qui déboucha, dans l'entre-deux-guerres, sur une xénophobie virulente. Dès lors, les artistes étrangers furent étiquetés par Mauclair comme les responsables d'une prétendue décadence culturelle de la France. Le revirement esthétique et politique de Mauclair reflète les tendances de “retour à l'ordre,” qui se renforçaient dans la culture française depuis la fin du dix-neuvième siècle et atteignirent leur sommet durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. La propagation de ces tendances était due, en grande partie, à l'influence que la réflexion esthétique et idéologique de Charles Maurras exerçait dans les milieux intellectuels.
The Color of French Wine
Southern Wine Producers Respond to Competition from the Algerian Wine Industry in the Early Third Republic
directed their attention to foreign competitors—namely Spanish and Italian growers—who now constituted a direct threat to the recovery of the southern wine industry. 26 In the early 1890s, French winemakers pushed the Third Republic to aid the recuperating
The Catholic Nobility’s Commitment to Écoles Libres in France, 1850–1905
Elizabeth C. Macknight
separation of church and state. 2 Although politically turbulent, the Third Republic seemed destined to last. Within this context, French Catholics did not espouse the premise that nothing could be done. Pope Leo XIII’s directive for ralliement to the