The "events" around Dominique de Villepin's abortive promotion of the CPE in spring 2006 were seen by many as a great popular victory in the defense of France's social model and another, albeit modest, version of May 1968. Others, particularly Anglophone neoliberals, saw them as proof that the French were incapable of reform. Both conclusions were wrong. The events and defeat of the CPE may have been enjoyable for many involved, but they resolved none of France's underlying and debilitating economic problems. On the other hand, the neoliberal view that the French are averse to real social policy reform is incorrect. Instead, the unresolved dilemmas surrounding the CPE episode are in large part the product of a particular strategy of reform, the "social management of unemployment," that has nourished and intensified dangerous—unavowed—social dualism in France. The present problem, illustrated indirectly by the events, is that political actors and social partners are unable to cooperate sufficiently to confront this dualism.
Opportunities and Issues for Social Quality in the World of Work in Europe
François Nectoux and Laurent L.G. van der Maesen
This special issue of the Journal, which gathers a number of papers produced in the context of a research project recently conducted by the European Foundation on Social Quality, is again devoted to the crucial policy-field of employment. Indeed, at national and European Union levels, employment continues to be the most difficult and conflict-ridden part of the social and economic policy agenda, as it has for the best part of the last three decades. There has been very limited policy success in this field, and this is clearly illustrated by the fact that the most intractable problem, that of mass unemployment, has not been solved to any significant extent.
Irina S. Burlacu and Cathal O'Donoghue
English abstract: This article aims to assess the impact of the social security coordination policy on the welfare of mobile workers, defined here as the EU citizens who had previously worked in another EU country than the one where they currently reside. The following research question is investigated: "To whom does a mobile worker need to be compared: to a worker in their country of residence (domestic) or to an earner in their country of employment (mobile), and why?" The article seeks to identify the counterpart group of comparison of mobile earners, taking the case of Luxembourg and Belgium. This analysis enables us to disentangle the effects of coordination policy on more working groups, and it tries to elucidate the importance of inter-group comparison. The results illustrate that the most equally treated groups are domestic earners and mobile earners, who reside in the same country. The most unequally treated are mobile earners and domestic earners from the country of employment, the uneven contribution premiums and unemployment benefit contravenes with the principle of equal treatment praxis.
Spanish abstract: El presente artículo busca evaluar el impacto de la política de coordinación de la seguridad social sobre el bienestar de los trabajadores móviles. Mediante el análisis de la cuestión ¿con quién se debe comparar un trabajador móvil?: ¿con un trabajador nacional en su país de residencia o con un trabajador móvil en el país donde trabaja, y por qué?, se trata de identificar la situación hipotética de los trabajadores móviles mediante la comparación de los ingresos de los trabajadores nacionales y móviles en el desempleo. Este análisis nos permitirá separar los efectos de las políticas de coordinación en más grupos de trabajadores, ya que trata de dilucidar el uso de las comparaciones de los diferentes grupos de trabajadores. Los resultados muestran que el nivel de las prestaciones de desempleo entre los trabajadores nacionales y móviles, es relativamente el mismo. Al mismo tiempo, aparecen grandes discrepancias en las ganancias cuando se comparan a los trabajadores móviles con los trabajadores de su país de empleo. En este caso, la desigual contribución a las primas/beneficios y las bajas prestaciones al desempleo de los trabajadores móviles y nacionales, contraviene con la práctica del principio de igualdad de trato.
French abstract: Cet article a pour objectif d'évaluer l'impact de la politique de coordination de la sécurité sociale sur le bien-être des travailleurs mobiles en posant la question de savoir avec qui il faut les comparer. Faut-il comparer un employé mobile à un employé fixe travaillant dans son pays de résidence ou bien dans son pays d'emploi et pourquoi? Nous cherchons à me re en relief la situation hypothétique des travailleurs mobiles en comparant le revenu des travailleurs nationaux et mobiles au chômage. Cette analyse nous perme ra de mieux saisir les effets de la politique de coordination sur un grand nombre de travailleurs, tout comme elle nous permettra de montrer l'utilité qu'il y a de comparer ces différents groupes de travailleurs. Le résultat montre que le montant de l'allocation chômage est relativement similaire entre celui d'un travailleur fixe et mobile. Par ailleurs, on relève d'importantes différences entre le revenu des travailleurs mobiles et celui des travailleurs nationaux. Dans ce cas, la cotisation inégale aux primes et indemnités de chômage des travailleurs nationaux et mobiles contredit le principe d'égalité de traitement entre les personnes.
This chapter deals with two momentous structural reforms introduced by the Monti government in the social policy field: the pension reform approved in late 2011 and the labor market reform passed in July 2012. Alongside discussing the content of these two reforms and their plausible policy impact, the chapter places them in the context of the Italian sovereign debt crisis and shows how they were introduced due to pressures exerted by international and supra-national actors. The analysis focuses in particular on the policy-making process of the labor market reform, reconstructing the various stages it went through. All this took place in the context of a new policy style by the Monti government, which forced decisions in the shadow of hierarchy and even took unilateral action, pursuing its policy objectives under the legitimacy provided by the international actors and the sense of urgency stemming from the sovereign debt crisis.
Naomi J. Andrews and Benoit Coquard
modernization and colonialism were imagined and legitimated. John Murphy, Yearning to Labor: Youth, Unemployment, and Social Destiny in Urban France (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2017). Reviewed by Benoit Coquard « Yearning to Labor
Changing conceptions of boredom, progress, and the future among young men in urban Ethiopia, 2003–2015
like chickens” implies that life lacked meaning, simply moving here and there without any purpose besides filling one’s stomach. Ideally, life would proceed along a series of incremental improvements, but with rates of unemployment at close to 50
Race, gender, and the double bind of domestic work in the Eastern Cape
unemployment is high. Salaries typically range between 80 and 250 rand per day (the equivalent of approximately 5.20 to 16.25 US dollars). There is no active trade union in the area, which unionists attributed to the difficulty of setting these up in areas
. Of course, in a pandemic with so many lives lost, and many others exposed to illness, unemployment, and the disruption of the economy, travel, and trade, the tertiary and cultural sectors were bound to be adversely impacted as well. With the shutting
The Economics of German Natural Gas Imports from Russia, 1982 and 2014 Compared
Stephen G. Gross
. Unemployment reached 6.1 percent, much higher than the previous downturn in the mid 1970s. By 1982, after a year and half of recession, the oecd expected German unemployment to continue to rise, domestic demand to continue to plummet, and investment in major
Robert Rohrschneider and Michael R. Wolf
During the summer of campaign year 2002, the election already
seemed lost for the SPD/Green government. Public opinion polls
saw the governing coalition trailing by several percentage points,
whereas the CDU/CSU, together with the FDP, looked like the sure
winner. A central reason for the malaise of the red-green government
was the ailing economy. Unemployment rates hovered at the 4
million mark and would have been even higher if governmentfunded
jobs had been added to the official unemployment rates.
Consequently, a substantial majority of citizens considered the creation
of jobs Germany’s most important problem.1 This constituted
an especially severe burden for Chancellor Schröder. In 1998 he had
promised to push unemployment rates below 3.5 million or, he
stated, he did not deserve re-election. Thus, many observers and
voters expected the September 2002 election to be a referendum on
the governments’ handling of the economy. Since the chancellor had
not delivered, voters were about to vote the incumbent government
out of office.