comparative brevity leave German-American history less traumatic than that between Germany and most of Europe. At the time the United States declared independence in 1776, Germany remained divided into roughly 300 principalities. America’s “isolationist” focus
Whither “Partners in Leadership”?
-constitutive relationships. I draw on the ethnographic study of son jarocho , a musical practice currently sustained and reproduced by interconnected groups of practitioners across different locations, mostly in the United States and Mexico. In 2013, I conducted
The Legacy of the 1917 Espionage Act in the United States
judiciary broadly interpreted the legislation and contributed to a long-term legacy that continues to have an impact on American lives. The Supreme Court of the United States for the first time defined the boundaries of the First Amendment by arguing that
This article concerns "revision in history," which refers to the process by which existing conceptions about what constitutes good history are challenged and replaced by different approaches. Between roughly 1920 and 1975 there were several periods of historical revision in Great Britain and the United States. My article argues that each was brought about by a combination of dissatisfaction on the part of historians with existing approaches, the influence of ideas from other disciplines, and changes going on in the world at the time.
Its Consequences for Secularism
All too often, the question of Muslim minorities in Europe and America is discussedsolely in socioeconomic terms or with a simplistic focus on the Islamicreligion and its purported incompatibility with democracy. This article focusesinstead on the secularism of Western host societies as a major factor in the integrationof Muslim minorities. It compares French and American secularismand argues that while French-style secularism has contributed to present tensionsbetween French Muslims and the French state, American secularism hasfacilitated the integration of Muslims in the United States—even after 9/11.
This article considers the impact of cross-country air and interstate highway travel on changing conceptions of the land and regions of the United States. Focusing on air passenger and highway maps, promotional materials, and passenger and driver accounts from between the 1920s and the 1970s, it explores how airline and highway-based portraits transformed from highly detailed, if at times comical, representations of the nation's land and people to increasingly simplified and schematized visions of mere lines across space. These changes encouraged a steady erasure of formerly conceived regions and a growing imagining of the great center of the United States as “flyover country,” a place that needed to be quickly traversed to get to somewhere that actually matters.
The United States in Mexican Textbook Controversies
By identifying two general issues in recent history textbook controversies worldwide (oblivion and inclusion), this article examines understandings of the United States in Mexico's history textbooks (especially those of 1992) as a means to test the limits of historical imagining between U. S. and Mexican historiographies. Drawing lessons from recent European and Indian historiographical debates, the article argues that many of the historical clashes between the nationalist historiographies of Mexico and the United States could be taught as series of unsolved enigmas, ironies, and contradictions in the midst of a central enigma: the persistence of two nationalist historiographies incapable of contemplating their common ground. The article maintains that lo mexicano has been a constant part of the past and present of the US, and lo gringo an intrinsic component of Mexico's history. The di erences in their historical tracks have been made into monumental ontological oppositions, which are in fact two tracks—often overlapping—of the same and shared con ictual and complex experience.
The making of race and class in Brazil and the United States
Sean T. Mitchell
The extensive literature critiquing the weakness of cross-class Afro-Brazilian solidarity is perhaps equaled in size by the structurally similar literature on the weakness of cross-race working-class solidarity in the United States. For many critics, marginalized or exploited people in Brazil and the United States do not have the political consciousness they ought to have, given apparently objective conditions. What if we started, instead, from E. P. Thompson's insight that class is a “cultural as much as an economic formation,” that it is “a relationship and not a thing,” acknowledging that political consciousness is the partially contingent result of culturally specific struggles and utopias, as much as of determinate historical conditions? Drawing on ethnographic research on conflicts between Afro-Brazilian villagers and Brazil's spaceport, supplemented by comparative data on the mobilization around inequalities in Brazil and in the United States, this article sketches a comparative anthropology of political consciousness that attempts to avoid the objectivizing pitfalls of the genre.
Amanda J. Reinke
the United States in response to civil rights and feminist movements as means of providing low-cost, accessible and community-driven forms of justice to underserved populations, while simultaneously relieving court dockets ( Brown et al. 1997 ; Reinke
Conservative Germany Converging toward the Liberal US Model?
This article demonstrates how the Conservative system of social protection in Germany has been converging toward the Liberal American model during the past two decades, focusing on social protection for the unemployed and pensioners. In addition to public/statutory provisions, occupational welfare is also covered. Despite an overall process of convergence, we continue to witness stark dissimilarities in the arrangements for social protection outsiders: whereas Germany continues to constitutionally guarantee a legal entitlement to minimum social protection for all citizens, such a guarantee does not exist in the United States. The lack of such legal entitlement for poor people of working age, combined with the criminalization of the "dangerous class," is a key differentiating characteristic of the US model at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The findings confirm but also qualify Franz-Xaver Kaufmann's analysis of the United States as "capitalism," which lacks collective welfare responsibility for all citizens, as compared to Germany's "welfare state."