history textbooks and the role textbooks played leading up to and during the Yugoslav wars has been demonstrated by an extensive body of work. 2 These studies have demonstrated how history textbooks construct nationhood narratives, inject ethnic
Symbolic Nation-building through Images in Post-Yugoslav History Textbooks
Tamara P. Trošt and Jovana Mihajlović Trbovc
Alojzija Štebi, “Mišljenje javnosti i feminizam u Jugoslaviji” (Public Opinion and Feminism in Yugoslavia)
Ženski pokret [Women's Movement] 9 (1924), 376–379
Slovenes/Yugoslavia (henceforth the Kingdom SHS) met between 30 October and 3 November 1924 for the second LEW congress in Belgrade. It was one of the biggest and most significant events that the women had organized in the Kingdom SHS until that moment
Jovanka Broz and the Yugoslav Popular Press during Tito's Reign
At the Crossroads of Tradition and Emancipation (1952–1980)
first postwar Serbian government, explained that both the women who participated in the war effort and women who supported the creation of socialist Yugoslavia with their work, votes, and sociopolitical activism constituted the Yugoslav New Woman. This
Militarization via Education
A 1945 Primer from Socialist Macedonia
also, in some ways, a new beginning for the state's educational and cultural practices. While some aspects of the primer drew on previous Serbian models from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, in many other respects it was an entirely new undertaking. Several
On Institutional Pluralization and the Political Genealogies of Post-Yugoslav Islam
Jeremy F. Walton and Piro Rexhepi
pluralism by offering a fine-grained portrait of institutional pluralization in a specific, fertile context—that of Islam in several of the successor states of former Yugoslavia. In doing so, we contribute to an expanding literature on Islam in socialist and
Religion, Modernity, and Muslim Women's Emancipation in Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, 1945–1991
Pamela Ballinger and Kristen Ghodsee
This article uses the examples of socialist Bulgaria and Yugoslavia to propose some new directions for rethinking scholarly understandings of “secularism” and the ways in which socialist secularizing projects were intricately intertwined with questions of gender equality. Current scholarly debates on the genealogy of secularism root its origins in the Catholic/Protestant West, and systematically ignore cases from the former communist world. This article takes two cases of Balkan states to explore the theoretical contours of what we call “socialist secularism.” Although Bulgaria and Yugoslavia’s experiences of socialist secularism differed in the degree of their coerciveness, this article examines the similarities in the conceptualization of the secularizing imperative and the rhetoric used to justify it, specifically the rhetoric of communist modernism and women’s liberation from religious backwardness.
The Yugoslav Experiment in Secular Jewishness
In examining the Jews of the former state of socialist Yugoslavia as a test case, this paper asks a familiar question: can Jews maintain their identity and survive as a distinctive group without the beliefs and practices of the Judaic religion? In their case, the change in the scope of secularization was abrupt and dramatic because of the devastation of the Holocaust and a contemporaneous radical political restructuring of society that denigrated religion. Although there were precedents of secular ideologies and movements, such as Zionism, and new inclinations to participate in broader movements, such as Communism, which influenced Jewish belief and behavior before the Second World War, the abruptness of the secularization and the postwar Jewish leadership's enthusiastic and nearly complete embrace of it put into action what can be called an experiment in secular Jewishness. It is this 'experiment' that is the focus of this paper.
Women's Political and Social Activism in the Early Cold War Era
The Case of Yugoslavia
The Cold War era has been mainly represented as a period of gender conservatism in feminist literature, and communist women in Eastern and Western Europe have been often described as manipulated or deprived of agency due to their lack of autonomy from Communist Party politics. On the basis of archival sources and autobiographies, this article explores the Cold War activities of a women's organization founded in Yugoslavia during the Second World War: the Antifašistički Front Žena (Antifascist Women's Front, or AFŽ). The article describes the activities of the AFŽ from its creation until its dissolution in 1953, focusing on its campaigns for women's political, economic, and social rights in the postwar and early Cold War period. By engaging with the pioneering work of Zagreb feminist historian Lydia Sklevicky and with new archival sources, the article aims to shed light on women's political and social agency in Cold War times.
Women, Resistance and the Politics of Daily Life in Hitler's Europe
The Case of Yugoslavia in a Comparative Perspective
This article uses a comparative transnational model for a study of women’s resistance in Yugoslavia, with particular reference to the Independent State of Croatia. It challenges the dominant paradigm of active resistance in Hitler’s Europe as a largely masculine and military activity. Historians have long recognised the contribution of women to resistance in Yugoslavia; however, an ideologised and politically driven interpretation of wartime behaviour, combined with an overemphasis on active resistance, has militated against a nuanced approach towards the study of dissent in its diverse manifestations. This article proposes that a woman-centred focus on the social, everyday aspects of resistance is illuminating on definitions of and the preconditions necessary for successful resistance as well as on the subject of collaboration and conformism in the Second World War.
Ruptured pasts and captured futures
Life narratives in postwar Mostar
In situations in which an entire population is affected by war and great political-economic transformations, as was the case in Bosnia and Herzegovina, generational differences exist regarding the extent to which people experience these events as disruptions to their lives. Even in a nationally divided city like Mostar after the 1992-1995 war, generational experiences-of past and present times as well as of future prospects (or the lack thereof)-are crucial for the way people rethink the past and (re)position themselves in the present. In the case of the generation of the "Last Yugoslavs", I argue that the disruption of their life course and the resulting loss of future prospects prevent people from narrating the local past and their lives in a meaningful and coherent way.