not exclude Back to the Future . Marty McFly is a teen boy not only for all times, but very much of his own time. References Bick , Ilsa J . 1990 . “ Outatime: Recreationism and the Adolescent Experience in Back to the Future .” Psychoanalytic
Marty McFly as a 1980s Teenage Boy Role Model
Negotiating the Modern and the Traditional in Educational Settings
have died already .” These two passages from conversations I had with two different Evenki adolescents recapitulate my introduction into the world of the Evenki adolescents in a small Evenki village, Solino, 1 which is situated in the north of the
maxim meant to him. Pete recognized, as does any adult working with adolescents, that the teen years are an especially selfish, egocentric period of development, that one of the most important things a mentor can do is help the boy (in this case) begin
“I Am Not ‘Worthless’—I Am a Girl with a Lot to Share and Offer”
Emma Pearce, Kathryn Paik, and Omar J. Robles
countries as internally displaced people, or flee across borders as refugees and asylum seekers. Across these populations, there may be as many as 7.2 million adolescent girls. 1 Adolescence (10 to 19 years) is a critical period in the development of girls
Screening Narratives of Girl Killers
The term girl heroine is an ambiguous signifier in discourses surrounding action-adventure cinema. Film scholars occasionally refer to adult action heroines as girls, while adolescent warriors remain largely overlooked in the literature. Research on women warriors focuses primarily on “musculinity” films of the 1980s or on more recent “action babe” movies featuring adult women. However, movies like Kick-Ass, Hanna, Violet & Daisy, Hard Candy, True Grit, and The Hunger Games demonstrate that films with adolescent action heroines are increasingly popular. This article argues that contemporary depictions of girl warriors emerge as a result of recent shifts in cultural attitudes towards girlhood sexuality and girlhood aggression. It also argues that the rise of the adolescent action heroine points to anxieties about changes in nuclear family structures, and that contemporary action films imply that young girls should be responsible for maintaining moral order. Ultimately, such films thus contain regressive as well as progressive messages.
Mofeyisara Oluwatoyin Omobowale, Offiong Esop Akpabio, and Olukemi Kehinde Amodu
, among other forms of social reactions. All these negative reactions may result in bullying ( Birkett and Espelage 2015 ). Over the years, many studies have examined masculinity in relation to adolescents, especially in Africa, but many of these have
Cormac Ó Beaglaoich, Mark Kiss, Clíodhna Ní Bheaglaoich, and Todd G. Morrison
been translated for use with Chinese men ( Zhang et al. 2015 ); Gender Role Conflict Scale for Adolescents (GRCS-A; Blazina et al. 2005 ); and the Korean Gender Role Conflict Scale for Adolescents (K-GRCS-A; Kim et al. 2009 ). Cormac Ó Beaglaoich
Queerness, Pedophilia and Perversions in "L.I.E." and "Mysterious Skin"
Sarag E. S. Sinwell
Drawing on the work of Gayle Rubin, Jonathan Dollimore, and B. Ruby Rich, this paper will explore the ways in which Michael Cuesta’s L.I.E. (2000) and Gregg Araki’s Mysterious Skin (2004) portray adolescent male bodies and subjectivities within the context of the queer. Throughout these films, cinematic identification is primarily tied up with the stories of adolescent boys. However, the perverse acts in which they participate (both voluntarily and involuntarily), the inclusion of multiple points of view, and the focus on our own cultural constructions of childhood, adolescent and adult sexualities trace a network of nodes of identification. Thus, I argue that L.I.E. and Mysterious Skin queer identification by imagining a multiplicity, fluidity, and diversity of modes of identification that engage with both the normal and perverse natures of identity, sexuality, and subjectivity.
Correlates with Masculinity Ideology
Chris Blazina, Maribel A. Cordova, Stewart Pisecco, and Anna G. Settle
This study investigated the Gender Role Conflict Scale-Adolescent Version (GRCS-A) and its relationship with the Gender Role Conflict Scale (GRCS), the measure from which it was adapted. Significant correlations between the adult and adolescent versions provided support for the concurrent validity of the GRCS-A. Further analyses revealed that two other measures of male masculinity, the Adolescent Masculinity Ideology in Relationships Scale (AMIRS) and Male Role Attitudes Scale (MRAS), are also significantly related to the GRCS-A. Implications for future research and clinical use are discussed.
Adolescent masculinity in the 1980s was marked by the need to distance oneself from the specter of “the fag.” In this homohysteric culture, compulsory heterosexuality and high rates of anti-gay sentiment necessitated that adolescent boys distance themselves from anything associated with femininity. It was this zeitgeist that brought Connell’s hegemonic masculinity theory to the vanguard of masculine studies. However, homohysteria has diminished among adolescents today. Accordingly, in this article, I foreground research extracts from multiple ethnographies on groups of 16-year-old adolescent boys in order to contextualize the repeated and consistent data I find throughout both the United States and the United Kingdom. In explaining how the diminishment of homohysteria promotes a “One-Direction” culture of inclusive and highly feminized masculinities, I suggest that new social theories are required.