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Flirting with anarchism

Class, state, and anthropology

Frederick Schulze

Graeber, David. 2004. Fragments of an anarchist anthropology. Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press. 105 pages.

Schmidt, Michael, and Lucien van der Walt. 2009. Black flame: The revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism. Vol. 1, Counter-Power. London: AK Press. 395 pages.

Scott, James. 2012. Two cheers for anarchism: Six easy pieces on autonomy, dignity, and meaningful work and play. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 198 pages.

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Steven Ungar

The four films Jean Vigo made between 1930 and 1934 bridged transitions from silent to sound formats and from avant-garde experiments to what he called a social cinema grounded in a documented point of view. This article studies traces of this social cinema in Vigo's 1930 documentary A propos de Nice (Regarding Nice) and his 1934 feature L'Atalante (1934). Links to Parisian surrealism and to leftwing anarchism marked these films as inspiration for postwar filmmakers and critics including André Bazin, François Truffaut, Alain Resnais, and Chris Marker. The government censorship imposed on his Zéro de conduite (Zero for Conduct, 1933) was a test case for similar suppression of postwar films by Resnais, Marker, and René Vautier. Ongoing myths surrounding Vigo and his work persist in the forms of a film prize and research institute, both of which bear his name.

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Fern Thompsett

’, The Review of Education, Pedagogy, and Cultural Studies 29 : 317 – 336 . 10.1080/10714410701291129 DeLeon , A. ( 2008 ) ‘ Oh no, not the “A” word! Proposing an “Anarchism” for education ’, Educational Studies 44 , no. 2 : 122 – 141 . 10

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Alfred Betschart

should really end “… anarchist when the socialists backed down.” In his final years, Sartre returned more and more to the early anarchism of the years before World War II. In the discussions of It is Right to Rebel , Sartre referred, for the first time

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Michael B. Loughlin

Abstract

In 1901 Gustave Hervé’s image of the tricolore planted in a dung pile made him notorious. His career became etched into French consciousness when he subsequently shifted from antimilitarism to chauvinism and, between 1914 and 1918, promoted “war to the bitter end” to create a democratic, federated Europe. Because depopulation, alcoholism, and materialism were perceived as threats before 1914, his national socialism shared values with his idealistic prewar socialism. Though Hervé remained a religious skeptic until 1935, the image of an expiatory war was telling. He assailed anyone refusing to support deliverance from Prussian militarism. Hervé’s wartime rhetoric soon included references to a new Bonaparte, a resurrected Committee of Public Safety, or a military dictatorship to save la patrie en danger, presaging his later authoritarian or dictatorial programs. Though he stressed legality and deplored both violence and anti-Semitism, much in Hervé’s interwar positions could be described as republican fascism

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The Future of Representative Politics

On Tormey, Krastev and Rosanvallon

Mihail Evans

Abstract

This paper examines claims made about political representation in recent work on global protest, focusing on two very different authors. Tormey champions the anti-representative claims of various radical movements while Krastev assumes the stance of those political insiders who deplore the failure of protesters to work within established representative institutions. Both turn to examples which seem to best support their positions. Tormey to anarchist inspired movements in Spain and Mexico, his argument being that political representation has been succeed by what he variously calls ‘immediate representation’ and ‘resonance’. Krastev's focus is Russia, Thailand and Bulgaria. His argument is that protest in these countries can be seen are ‘a collective act of exit’ by middle classes that no longer seek political representation. Using the theorisation of political representation in Rosanvallon's Counter Democracy, I suggest that the global waves of protest of recent years are nothing inherently novel but can be seen as part of the elaborate and complex process of representation that is argued to have always existed beyond and outside of official elected legislative bodies. In conclusion, I suggest that Macron's turn to citizen's assemblies can be seen as informed by just such an understanding of political representation.

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Amotz Giladi

The trajectory of the writer and critic Camille Mauclair (1872–1945) was marked by two ruptures: having begun his career within the internationalized avant-gardes, oriented toward Symbolism and Anarchism, he moved away from these circles at the turn of the century. Indeed, the crisis that Symbolism and Anarchism underwent during these years led Mauclair toward Neo-Classicism. To his new esthetic vision was added, during the Great War, a nationalist positioning that led him to virulent xenophobia in the interwar period. Foreign artists were henceforth denounced by Mauclair as being the cause of France's so-called cultural decadence. The turnaround in Mauclair's esthetic and political vision reflects the “return to order” tendencies that grew stronger in French culture from the end of the nineteenth century, attaining their summit during World War II. The propagation of these tendencies was largely due to the influence that the esthetic and ideological reflections of Charles Maurras exerted in intellectual circles.

French La trajectoire de l'écrivain et critique Camille Mauclair (1872–1945) fut marquée par deux ruptures: ayant commencé sa carrière au sein des avant-gardes internationalisées, orientées vers le symbolisme et l'anarchis me, il s'éloigna de ces milieux au tournant du siècle. En eff et, la crise subie par le symbolisme et l'anarchisme durant ces années amena Mauclair vers le néo-classicisme. À cette nouvelle vision esthétique s'ajouta, durant la Grande Guerre, un positionnement nationaliste qui déboucha, dans l'entre-deux-guerres, sur une xénophobie virulente. Dès lors, les artistes étrangers furent étiquetés par Mauclair comme les responsables d'une prétendue décadence culturelle de la France. Le revirement esthétique et politique de Mauclair reflète les tendances de “retour à l'ordre,” qui se renforçaient dans la culture française depuis la fin du dix-neuvième siècle et atteignirent leur sommet durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. La propagation de ces tendances était due, en grande partie, à l'influence que la réflexion esthétique et idéologique de Charles Maurras exerçait dans les milieux intellectuels.

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John Gillespie, Kyle Shuttleworth, Nik Farrell Fox, and Mike Neary

long overdue. The issue of Sartre's political anarchism has been somewhat of an elephant in the room in Sartre scholarship, overlooked, ignored or given only fleeting mention in favour of his Marxist proclivities, despite the fact that Sartre declared

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Melissa Feinberg

sexual identities, including militant suffragism, sexology, eugenics, nudism, anarchism, communism, and fascism. As the very list suggests, Bucur is quite aware that radical views are not necessarily progressive ones. But, by putting together these very

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Lionel Blue

twentieth century was not Marxism or anarchism but nationalism, J. J. Rousseau and German Wandervogel style. I appreciated its constructive and creative side. For me it had replaced a dying Yiddish culture with a living Hebrew one and I rejoiced in its