Sartre's writing on colonialism and anti-colonial critique is diverse, protean and frequently self-contradictory, and for this reason has generated a good deal of controversy. His celebrated and notorious 'Orphée noir', written as the preface to Senghor's Anthologie de la nouvelle poésie nègre et malgache de langue française, has been read as both veneration and critique of the negritude movement, and he has been named both spokesman and traitor of anti-colonial resistance in Africa. Explicating the dynamics of an assertion of black identity in contradistinction to colonial influence, Sartre introduced revolutionary black poetry to the European audience it was directed against, only to be condemned by some of the other negritude thinkers, such as Alioune Diop, as eurocentric and blinded by his own position as a metropolitan, and therefore colonial, intellectual. The version of negritude promoted in 'Orphée noir' was criticised by such thinkers for being too rigid and essentialist, yet conversely, Fanon objected that Sartre's stress on the movement as transitory and provisional meant that was insufficiently immersed in 'authentic black experience'. In addition, Sartre's more journalistic writing, which called for the withdrawal of the French presence in Algeria during the war of independence, aptly served to draw attention to dissension about the Algerian question within French society, but, as Robert Young points out, the Marxist approach underpinning many of these pieces has also been seen as universalising.
Settler colonialism is a form of domination that violently disrupts human relationships with the environment. Settler colonialism is ecological domination, committing environmental injustice against Indigenous peoples and other groups. Focusing on the context of Indigenous peoples’ facing US domination, this article investigates philosophically one dimension of how settler colonialism commits environmental injustice. When examined ecologically, settler colonialism works strategically to undermine Indigenous peoples’ social resilience as self-determining collectives. To understand the relationships connecting settler colonialism, environmental injustice, and violence, the article first engages Anishinaabe intellectual traditions to describe an Indigenous conception of social resilience called collective continuance. One way in which settler colonial violence commits environmental injustice is through strategically undermining Indigenous collective continuance. At least two kinds of environmental injustices demonstrate such violence: vicious sedimentation and insidious loops. The article seeks to contribute to knowledge of how anti-Indigenous settler colonialism and environmental injustice are connected.
Indigenous Resurgence, Decolonization, and Movements for Environmental Justice
change and environmental degradation through an anticolonial lens. Specifically, the writers for this volume are invested in positioning environmental justice within historical, social, political, and economic contexts and larger structures of power that
facilitator, and finally my own journey of identity as an Indigenous woman and mother. This is a give-away paper. I offer it as a prayer, as a give-away poem. There is no Ceremony for Completing an Academic Paper. Post-colonial, anti-colonial, decolonizing
The Emotional Education of Boys in Mexico during the Early Porfiriato, 1876–1884
Carlos Zúñiga Nieto
Mexico City than about the concept of boyhood and the pedagogic theories that shaped educators’ intellectual framework. While scholarship has focused on the political and social impact of the anticolonial insurrections in the greater Caribbean region, the
Keïta Fodéba and the Imagining of National Culture in Guinea
Andrew W. M. Smith
years of tyranny. This disjuncture between his “aesthetics and politics” is, in the model of Gary Wilder, a function of pragmatic anticolonialism, “a warning against presumptively treating his political acts as self-evident or one-dimensional.” 8 Fodéba
A Participant Observer’s View
’ conquerors. By 1900 the Europeans controlled 80% of the world’s land surface, but a sequence of world wars and economic depression undermined their monopoly. The main event of the twentieth century was the anti-colonial revolution, a process whereby peoples
Diasporic Epistemology and the Decolonized Curriculum
Jovan Scott Lewis
’t my professor Black?’ and ‘Why is my curriculum white?’ the anti-colonial push is now directed towards those same institutions and the very heart of what had been their imperial imperatives: colonial curricula. In considering what a ‘decolonial
Violence is a necessary factor in Frantz Fanon's concept of anti-colonial freedom. What does Fanon mean by violence? Why does he think violence is necessary or good? Is he correct? This article defends the opening statement through an exegesis of primary and secondary literature on Fanon, Jean-Paul Sartre, violence, and freedom. Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth is the central text under analysis. References to Black Skin, White Masks and A Dying Colonialism receive critical scrutiny only in relation to Fanon's overall theory of violence and freedom. I argue that Fanon views violence as intrinsically valuable in the anti-colonial struggle for freedom.
An Interview with Juliano Fiori
Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh and Juliano Fiori
In this interview with Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, Juliano Fiori—Head of Studies (Humanitarian Affairs) at Save the Children—reflects on Eurocentrism and coloniality in studies of and responses to migration. In the context of ongoing debates about the politics of knowledge and the urgency of anticolonial action, Fiori discusses the ideological and epistemological bases of responses to migration, the Western character of humanitarianism, the “localization of aid” agenda, and the political implications of new populisms of the Right.