, patriotism, anticosmopolitanism, and antiglobalization. Brexiteer thinking is not new, nor is it only resonant in the rhetoric of elections and economic policy. To historicize it properly, we need to take account of all the discursive spaces, highbrow and
W. T. Eady's I.D.B. or The Adventures of Solomon Davis (1887)
France has become a worldwide champion of antiglobalization. France is home to José Bové—sheepfarmer turned McDonalds’ wrecker and, in the process, world famous antiglobalization activist. France is also home to ATTAC, a vocal organization originally designed to promote the so-called “Tobin tax” on financial transactions, but which has since become a powerful antiglobalization lobby present in over 30 countries. France is a country where intellectuals have long denounced the cultural and economic shortcomings of US-led globalization, and where newspapers and other media outlets have endlessly documented how France was threatened by foreign entertainment, customs and values. In short, criticizing globalization “sells” in France. French politicians have understood and embraced this trend. On the Left as on the Right, for the past few years, political figures have loaded their speeches with rhetoric critical of a phenomenon that gets a lot less attention in other European countries and in the United States.
Political cultures that divide
This article presents a comparative investigation of anti-GMO activism in two regions in France. It shows how activists’ participation in acts of ‘civil disobedience’ was not necessarily motivated by the same reasons or directed toward the same goals. During my ethnographic fieldwork at two trials against activists who destroyed GMO test plots in France I found that although protagonists were in agreement on rejecting GMOs, their deeper motives differed significantly. I draw five socio-biographical portraits of anti-GMO activists and highlight their divergent opinions on their role in the court case, which illustrate how in their utilization of the court activists relate differently to the legal system and society at large. The anti-globalization organization Attac and the farmers’ trade union Con- fédération Paysanne clearly had different relations to politics but I also analyze why in Ariège these differences could be harmonized whereas in Droˆme differences between activists lead to serious divisions. I do so by considering how different local activist cultures are shaped within a competitive organizational arena.
The last four years have seen the rise of a movement on the French radical left positing a fundamental conflict between economic growth and ecological sustainability and calling for a reversal of growth (décroissance) against the current consensus around the concept of sustainable development. This challenge to the growth imperative and, more widely, of the ideology of progress, represents a return to the explicitly antiproductivist approaches that emerged in the early 1970s with the rise of radical political ecology. This article charts the birth of the décroissance movement, which is comprised of two components: anticonsumerist and antidevelopment. It also contrasts the movement with other closely-related ideological elements of the French antiglobalization and anticapitalist movements, elements that belong to the dominant, mainly Marxist tradition, whose anticapitalist struggle builds on the legacy of the Enlightenment period. The article concludes that, by placing antieconomicist and antiutilitarian thought drawn from social sciences on the agenda of the French radical Left, the décroissance movement could potentially generate a major paradigm shift founded on a critical evaluation of the heritage of modernity.
Ten Theses toward a Research Agenda for Scholars of Contention Today
. Black Bloc: White Riot: Anti-Globalization and the Genealogy of Dissent . Oakland, CA : AK Press . Tilly , Charles . 2004 . Social Movements, 1768–2004 . Boulder, CO : Paradigm Publishers . Yoder , Traci . 2018 . “ Conservative-Led Anti
The Front National and the 2014 Municipal Elections in France
nationalism couched in the language of political pluralism and universal rights. Such a critique provides the party with a universal explanatory key for interpreting the country’s current social and economic ills. The FN’s anti-globalization critique posits a
The Aganaktismenoi of Greece and the Squares Movement(s)
idea that liberal democracies are in need of deep reforms that will offer more space for participation to its citizens has been at the heart of the last international wave of resistance to have appeared before the Occupy movement—the antiglobalization
Thomas D. Hall
way to organize societies than the one they advocate. This claim is factually false. That is one reason why many claims by Indigenous peoples are both threatening and significantly different from other anti-globalization movements. This is not to say
Creative Practices/Resistant Acts
Nesreen Hussein and Iain MacKenzie
(2013) provides a compelling account of how artists have contributed to social and political change since the end of World War II. Tackling a range of key themes, including postcolonialism, feminism, and antiglobalization, Mesch ( 2013: 2 ) frames her
years ago the anti-globalization protests in Seattle against the WTO involved mostly marginal groups in the population, aside from some unions. Today, in contrast, populist voters come from core groups across American society. The success of Trump (and