, giving much more substantive attention to the #MilkTeaAlliance and calling it a “movement” ( Tanakasempipat 2020 ) uniting people from Thailand, Taiwan, and Hong Kong in their opposition to authoritarian regimes—and love for their local versions of milk
Digitally Dismantling Asian Authoritarianism
Activist Reflections from the #MilkTeaAlliance
Adam K. Dedman and Autumn Lai
Family Matters in Conflict
Displacement and the Formulation of Politics among Syrians in Lebanon and Turkey
Birgitte Stampe Holst
political imaginations of many Syrians and protests against the authoritarian Syrian regime of Bashar Al-Assad erupted across Syria, Saif felt morally impelled to support these efforts. Afterwards, he became afraid that his actions would eventually land him
The “Moral Effect” of Legalized Lawlessness
Violence in Britain’s Twentieth-Century Empire
twinned birthing of liberalism and imperialism in the nineteenth century, gave rise to liberal authoritarianism. This ideology, which underpinned Britain’s civilizing mission, took form in various enabling legal scaffoldings, including the evolution of
The Pandemic Factor
The COVID-19 Crisis in the Alternative for Germany's 2021 Federal Election Campaign
Lars Rensmann and Thijs de Zee
AfD's election campaign; proposes general and context variables explaining the party's decision to campaign on the covid -19 issue; and seeks to shed light on the relationship between the radical right's “authoritarian-populist revolt” (or “noisy
“Your debts are our problem”
The politicization of debt in Azerbaijan
a “fully authoritarian state” ( Levitsky and Way 2010: 34 ). It allows us to look beyond the recent backlash against organized civil society to see how particular constituencies of interest may exist outside this framework and be enrolled in local
Gresham's Law, Conceptual Semantics, and Semiotics of Authoritarianism
Do “Bad” Concepts Drive Out “Good” Ones?
The aim of this article is to explore to what extent the rule of economics commonly known as Gresham's law (“bad money drives out good money”) can be extrapolated to verbal language (“bad concepts drive out good concepts”). Consequently, the goal of this article is twofold. First, for Gresham's law to be applied simultaneously to money and language, its unfortunate (“good”/“bad”) and obscure (“drives out”) wording should be clarified. Second, one should identify the contexts in which the validity of the law could be assessed best, and run a very preliminary test. For this purpose, the circulation of the adjective (“hard”, “strong”, or “stable” in Russian) in the word combination (“hard currency”) in use in the Soviet Union in the 1920s and 1930s was scrutinized.
Politics of precarity
neoliberal academia under austerity measures and authoritarian threat
David Loher and Sabine Strasser
In recent years, precarity has become the norm rather than an exception in contemporary European academia. This special issue on politics of precarity examines the economic, social and political crisis‐effects of the neoliberal turn in academia. It analyses how austerity measures and authoritarian politics have led to a proliferation of precarity among, mostly young, scholars.
The vicious circle of precarity
cognitariats in the era of austerity and authoritarianism
Based on ethnographic material produced during the last six years in Greece and Turkey, this paper will discuss the trajectory of three scholars who sought academic refuge in Turkey to escape the precarity that austerity policies created in their own country, Greece. They were forced out of their jobs, and consequently Turkey, when caught in the middle of the Turkish government’s authoritarian outburst following the failed coup attempt of July 2016. Drawing on approaches that construe precarity as a normality in all labour groups, including academics, and the authoritarianism inflicted on academia as an assault on civil liberties by the regime aimed at preventing academics from mounting a serious challenge to the incumbent, I will try to illustrate two things: (a) that for the cognitariat, precarity that results from austerity policies differs little from precarity that results from authoritarian policies and (b) that structural precarity has the tendency to reproduce itself through the disciplining mechanisms of these two types of governmentality.
Lawyers against the Law
The Challenge of Turkish Lawyering Associations
Despite increasing subordination of the judiciary to executive authorities, Turkish cause lawyering associations are more assertive than ever in their defiance of forced closures and legal persecution. Why would activist lawyers ‘play the game’ of law when the legal system is being undermined? Focusing on the historical genesis of Turkey’s oldest activist lawyering association, the Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği (ÇHD), I argue that Turkish legal activism results from not just clashing political causes but also the strategies attorneys are forced to adopt to effect change within an authoritarian-corporatist structure designed to constrict their activities. The ÇHD and similar groups are not merely extensions of the formal juridical order; they also constitute a grassroots engagement with the law that refuses to conform to the categories, narratives, procedures and ends of the state’s legal institutions.
"Subaltern Nationalism" and the West Berlin Anti-Authoritarians
Jennifer Ruth Hosek
The West Berlin anti-authoritarians around Rudi Dutschke employed a notion of subaltern nationalism inspired by independence struggles in the global South and particularly by post 1959 Cuba to legitimate their loosely understood plans to recreate West Berlin as a revolutionary island. Responding to Che Guevara's call for many Vietnams, they imagined this Northern metropolis as a Focus spreading socialism of the third way throughout Europe, a conception that united their local and global aims. In focusing on their interpretation of societal changes and structures in Cuba, the anti-authoritarians deemphasized these plans' potential for violence. As a study of West German leftists in transnational context, this article suggests the limitations of confining analyses of their projects within national or Northern paradigms. As a study of the influence of the global South on the North in a non-(post)colonial situation, it suggests that such influence is greater than has heretofore been understood.