In this article I provide a critique of historiography in Near Eastern archaeology and argue that forms of narrating the past are by necessity always political in nature. Current writing styles have a bias towards the upper classes of the past. I use this insight to elaborate on new ways of writing that shift the focus to different subjects of history. As a case study, I analyse discourses about evidence from fourth millennium Mesopotamia. Finally, I point out some alternative ways to approach historiography by asking new questions about old topics.
Between Knowledge of History and Historicising Knowledge
Fictions of Shakespeare the Deer Stealer
In fiction as in biography, Shakespeare's life is often politicised. Originally, the story of young Shakespeare caught poaching deer and forced to flee Stratford served to illustrate the role of fate in the creation of genius, while his irresponsible behaviour was downplayed. Later, the poaching was represented as rebellion against aristocratic privileges, and even as a deliberate political protest against enclosures of arable land. In more recent fiction, Shakespeare needs to be forced into a social awareness by the deer stealing episode, or even becomes a heartless landlord himself. Thus, Shakespeare's fictional lives reflect political developments in society, from class conflict to cultural levelling.
I argue that 'negative' freedom or freedom as absence of impediment is better described as freedom within a putative 'private' sphere, where individuals are allegedly protected from the coercive interference of other agents. As such it is characterised by four problems as an account of freedom under modern conditions. I then consider two alternatives, within which freedom is identified with politics or political action, and argue that they are therefore also inappropriate for understanding modern freedom. Yet, I do not discard them completely. In the main part of the paper, I draw on Machiavelli's emphasis on institutionalised class conflict as constitutive of freedom and propose a conception of freedom that captures the manifold conditions for freedom of action today. This realistic, modern conception of freedom identifies freedom with power across four domains; and it follows from this, I argue pace Pettit, that representative, partisan political institutions are requirements for freedom and democracy.
impact on the other. The compliment the authors pay Durkheim is quite undeserved. Certainly, there were crises in the Third Republic, but not principally from the left. The authors present a picture of class conflict by producing evidence of the growth of
A Model Reconsidered
socio-economic equality and stability Easing of class conflict under successful economy with high social standards Managed social consensus and public infrastructure support win-win solutions Albert (1993) Conservative Rationalize limits on
Political Struggle in the Domestic Sphere in Postarmistice Hungary, 1919-1922
Emily R. Gioielli
when simmering ideological and class conflicts erupted into open struggle in March 1919. The use of courts as a means of retribution and revenge in the years of regime “consolidation” between August 1919 and June 1922 was also an important dimension of
Its Innovative Thrust and Transnational Semantic Transfers during the Sattelzeit (Eighteenth to Nineteenth Centuries)
Samuel Hayat and José María Rosales
, relying on regular elections to select the wisest, and often richest, members of society—a system soon to be called representative government. In many countries, this conceptual polarity both influenced and was a result of class conflicts and rivalries
Gustave Hervé and the Great War
Michael B. Loughlin
the rhetoric of revolution, but by then he generally described his socialism using rhetoric calling for an end to class conflict under the “supposed” inspiration of the French revolutionary tradition and an indictment of German materialist socialism as
Explaining political quiescence of Ukrainian labor unions
tolerate a deterioration of their living standards. The class conflict was thus displaced onto an upper level, reshaped as a dispute between bureaucracy factions over the distribution of resources via networks of patronage and dependence. Importantly, the
Autonomy and dependence in contemporary Spain
Oficial del Estado 2013 ). Nevertheless, the ideological maneuver substituting generational for class conflict is not straightforward, as social mobilizations often present generational conflicts as part and parcel of class conflicts. Since the beginning