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Frédéric Viguier


Since independence in 1956, Morocco has actively promoted Arabic and Arab culture through successive waves of “Arabization” policies in its educational system. Yet, French educational diplomas continue to be crucial resources in Morocco, while national Moroccan degrees retain little social and economic currency. Relying on ethnographic fieldwork in Morocco carried out in 2018, this article looks at students from various socioeconomic backgrounds, asks how the grip of French education seventy years after Moroccan independence is experienced on the ground, and provides historical context to account for this situation. It argues that Morocco is an extreme but representative example of how former French colonies—and countries in the Global South—have created new forms of dependence due to their attempts to expand access to education on limited budgets.

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Politics of Recognition and Myths of Race

George Baca

At the time of this writing, the world is watching incredulously as terror and deprivation ravage the poorest citizens of New Orleans in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. The region’s middle class and elite fled the disaster, while federal authorities’ inaction resulted in starvation for those too poor to leave. Such callousness embodied in US civil society and state institutions has been made transparent to the world, illuminating the increasing class inequality that has evolved since the passage of the Civil Rights Act. In light of this conflation of racism and class inequality, this forum focuses on the ways that multi-cultural politics mystify such power relations with romantic recollections of popular resistance to racism in the post–World War II era: decolonization, the US civil rights movement, and the fall of apartheid in South Africa.

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Oligarchic Corporations and New State Formations

Bruce Kapferer

Current configurations of global, imperial, and state power relate to formations of oligarchic control. A major feature of this is the command of political organizations and institutions by close-knit social groups (families or familial dynasties, groups of kin, closed associations, or tightly controlled interlinked networks of persons) for the purpose of the relatively exclusive control of economic resources and their distribution, these resources being vital to the existence of larger populations. For many theorists, the state, throughout history and in its numerous manifestations, was born in such processes and continues to be so. Moreover, the oppressive powers of state systems (e.g., the denial or constraining of human freedoms, the production of poverty and class inequalities) and the expansion of these in imperial form are a consequence of oligarchic forces.

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Željka Janković and Svetlana Stefanović

that we should not forget how the Women’s Society of Belgrade, although reinforcing gender and class inequality, still managed to pave the way for a certain type of women’s participation in public activities. The next chapter deals with social and

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Maša Mrovlje and Jennet Kirkpatrick

interests and loyalties and shaped by a plethora of situational factors beyond their full control, including the hierarchies of gender, race and class inequality. Indeed, the moral dilemmas they confront can stem from their embeddedness within the same

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Ana Kolarić

, in socialist journals was just a means to an end—to becoming a socialist, revolutionary woman. The fight against class inequality and social injustice was more important and universal than the struggle for women's equal rights (it was expected that

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Judith A. Nicholson and Mimi Sheller

inequitable race and class distribution of transport access today. 30 This has created what Cresswell calls the “mobility poor,” who in the United States are predominantly black, Latino/a, and racialized immigrant populations. Racial and class inequalities

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Stiletto Socialism

Social Class, Dressing Up, and Women's Self-Positioning in Socialist Slovenia

Polona Sitar

evaluative responses to particular properties of class inequalities and relations. 13 Class inequalities mean that the “social bases of respect,” in terms of access to valued ways of living, are unequally distributed, and that shame is likely to be endemic

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Stephan Feuchtwang

political and economic domination being converted into caste, or by acquiring higher caste accomplishment while changing or disguising one’s natal status, or by locally establishing a caste as dominant. Political-economic relations of class inequality and

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Tax Beyond the Social Contract

Nicolette Makovicky and Robin Smith

-state. Karl Marx, Max Weber, and Émile Durkheim all investigated how taxation could foster or impede capitalist development, the reproduction of class inequality, and the mode of production and division of labor ( Martin and Prasad 2014: 332 ). Yet it fell to