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Guarding the Body

Private Security Work in Rio de Janeiro

Erika Robb Larkins

situated within larger structures of class, race, and gender in Brazil. Poverty, geographic place of residence, and skin color all mark vigilantes as potentially dangerous, violent actors in the places they work. Although there are no statistics on the

Open access

The Permeable Olympic Fortress

Mega-Event Security as Camouflage in Rio de Janeiro

Dennis Pauschinger

visible and, simultaneously, rendered invisible the routinized politics of death in the city's favelas and suburbs. I show that security politics in Rio de Janeiro follow specific socio-spatial patterns along lines of social inequalities such as class and

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The Power of Silence

Sonic Experiences of Police Operations and Occupations in Rio de Janeiro's Favelas

Sterre Gilsing

, two instances in which silence occurred through actions by the military police in favelas in Rio de Janeiro. Both examples show that security policies produce people living in the favela as a class of people that is unworthy of the state's care (see

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Racialized Governance

The Production and Destruction of Secure Spaces in Olympic Rio de Janeiro

Margit Ystanes and Alexandre Magalhães

, we work, we pay taxes … The working class doesn't have money to rent apartments, that's why we go to the favelas.” In Rio de Janeiro, urban planning cannot be meaningfully separated from security concerns. The contents of such concerns are outcomes

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Suburban Dissent

Defining Neighborhood Space and Place in Perth, Western Australia

Jocelyn D. Avery

working-class suburbs that fall within or adjacent to the Town of Bassendean (2020) and approximately 10 kilometers from the Perth city center. I aggregate the suburbs as West Guildford. It is suggestive of Benedict Anderson's “imagined political

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Sheikhs and the City

Urban Paths of Contention in Sidon, Lebanon

Are John Knudsen

of Salafist and other Islamist groups. Turning conventional wisdom on its head, Bayat argues that the groundswell of Islamic militancy, and of Islamism more generally, is not the urban poor but the educated middle class. My study lends support to

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“Eyes, Ears, and Wheels”

Policing Partnerships in Nairobi, Kenya

Francesco Colona and Tessa Diphoorn

that the security arrangements in middle-class Nairobi allow for the state apparatus to be a necessary actor—albeit not the only one—in security provision. “Give Me 500!” In August 2015, the first author joined a patrol in an upper-class neighborhood of

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The Meanings of the Move?

From “Predicaments of Mobility” to “Potentialities in Displacement”

Stephen C. Lubkemann

least some classes of social actors, in ways that profoundly shaped the meaning and organization of movement itself by migrants and other warscape inhabitants. By brief way of background, Liberia’s descent into political turmoil began in 1980, not long

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Leyla Neyzi, Nida Alahmad, Nina Gren, Martha Lagace, Chelsey Ancliffe, and Susanne Bregnbæk

anthropology as never before. The book is based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted by Salih Can Açıksöz in Istanbul between 2005 and 2008 with working-class, disabled veterans of the Kurdish conflict. The preface powerfully expresses the quandaries of a

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Exceptionalism and Necropolitical Security Dynamics in Olympic Rio de Janeiro

Margit Ystanes and Tomas Salem

gendered state practices associated with the mega-events, including policing practices, forced evictions, and demobilization of local activism, to explore how the governing classes conceptualize Brazilian society. In particular, we analyze how these