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Memory Practices in History Education about the 1947 British India Partition

Opportunities and Challenges to Breaching Hegemonic Remembering

Meenakshi Chhabra

This article is an epistemological reflection on memory practices in the construction, deconstruction, and reconstruction of collective memories of a historical event involving collective violence and conflict in formal and informal spaces of education. It focuses on the 1947 British India Partition of Punjab. The article engages with multiple memory practices of Partition carried out through personal narrative, interactions between Indian and Pakistani secondary school pupils, history textbook contents, and their enactment in the classroom by teachers. It sheds light on the complex dynamic between collective memory and history education about events of violent conflict, and explores opportunities for and challenges to intercepting hegemonic remembering of a violent past.

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Randolph Roth

, is wrong. It does not hold up as history, for three basic reasons. First, the evidence gathered to date by historians does not show a long-term decline in interpersonal or collective violence since the medieval era. Second, the historical forces that

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Martin Thomas

Focusing on the gendarmerie forces of the three French Maghreb territories, this article explores the relationships between paramilitary policing, the collection of political intelligence, and the form and scale of collective violence in the French Empire between the wars, and considers what, if anything, was specifically colonial about these phenomena. I also assess the changing priorities in political policing as France's North African territories became more unstable and violent during the Depression. The gendarmeries were overstretched, under-resourced, and poorly integrated into the societies they monitored. With the creation of dedicated riot control units, intelligenceled political policing of rural communities and the agricultural economy fell away. By 1939 the North African gendarmeries knew more about organized trade unions, political parties, and other oppositional groups in the Maghreb's major towns, but they knew far less about what really drove mass protest and political violence: access to food, economic prosperity, rural markets, and labor conditions.

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What Social Identities Can Tell Us about Violence in Social Movements, and Vice Versa

A Social-Psychological Response to “Violence, Social Movements, and Black Freedom Struggles: Ten Theses Toward a Research Agenda for Scholars of Contention Today”

Andrew G. Livingstone

scope and content, bounded and directed by the social identities (i.e., collective self-definition), ideologies, and values held by its participants. In this sense, collective violence is no less about public claim-making than is nonviolent action

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Protest Events, Welfare Generosity, and Welfare State Regimes

A Comparative Analysis of Welfare States and Social Unrest

David Pritchard

collective violence and urban unrest ( Bauman 2011 ; Benyon 1987 , 2012 ; Hall and Winlow 2014 ; Moxon 2011 ; Treadwell et al. 2012 ) and multifaceted features of public disorder ( Moran and Waddington 2015 ; Waddington 1992 , 2007 , 2010

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Violence, Social Movements, and Black Freedom Struggles

Ten Theses toward a Research Agenda for Scholars of Contention Today

AK Thompson

the Nat Turner rebellion possible. Through acts of collective violence, Black people forced themselves into law and began establishing themselves as recognized political claimants. 7 The gradual acquisition of formal, nominal recognition meant that

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Selfies and Self-Fictions

Calibrating Co-presence in and of ‘the Field’

Liana Chua

removability afforded by Twitter, I slid back into persona, sensing that if I too openly sided with the passer-by, my co-presence in the protest could be compromised. Conclusion Reflecting on her research in two contexts of collective violence in India

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The Many Faces of the State

Living in Peace and Conflict in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh

Nasir Uddin and Eva Gerharz

). Bengali Settlers and Collective Violence The presence of Bengali settlers is seen as a consequence of state action against the local Pahari adivasi population, as the state arbitrarily stands by Bengalis as they discriminate against the Pahari adivasi

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Nathan Bracher

.” 14 On the one hand, the scope and intensity of collective violence defy attempts to make it fit within the neat, tidy confines of conceptual analyses whose intellectual coherence and lucidity ultimately risk masking the raw barbarity that was

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Free from State Violence or Free to Comply?

A Revised Typology of Coercion and Repression in Liberal Democracies

Barbora Capinska

Methodological Problems in the Analysis of Governmental Coercion and Collective Violence .” Journal of Political and Military Sociology 4 : 277 – 293 . Tilly , Charles . 1978 . From Mobilization to Revolution . Reading, MA : Addison-Wesley . Tilly