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Cécité partielle

Procédure d'adoption et colorblindness institutionnelle en France

Solène Brun

pays dans lequel l'idéologie « colorblind » est non seulement dominante mais également institutionnalisée, comme l'ont noté de nombreux auteurs 3 . La colorblindness désigne littéralement la « cécité aux couleurs », c'est-à-dire le paradigme

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A White Race Blindness?

Abstract Universalism and the Unspeakable Making of Race

Sarah Mazouz

is blind to individuals’ origins, which is supposed, in their belief, to prevent racism. They go on to stress that their own practices are guided by this requirement of colorblindness, thus asserting their abstract universalist position. In her

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Obscuring Race

Franco-African Conversations about Colonial Reform and Racism after World War II and the Making of Colorblind France, 1945–1950

Emily Marker

In 1945, the first significant cohort of African, Caribbean, and Malagasy deputies were elected to the French National Assembly, where they participated in special parliamentary commissions tasked with colonial reform. This article traces the contours of postwar conversations about colonial policy, race, and racism that took shape in those commissions, as metropolitan and colonial deputies confronted these issues face-to-face, as ostensible equals, for the first time. Deputies of color tried to force frank discussions about racial inequality in their campaigns to reform political representation, working conditions, education, and compensation for Africans. Their metropolitan counterparts responded, however, by developing new code words and rhetorical strategies that deflected accusations of systemic racial inequality in postwar Greater France. The competing understandings and ways of talking about race and racism produced in this encounter helped consolidate a postwar speech regime of “colorblindness” that obscured the way racial logics were inscribed in the new institutions of the postwar Republic.

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Fabricating the Color Line in a White Democracy

From Slave Catchers to Petty Sovereigns

Ben Brucato

Though states are founded in and dependent on successfully claiming a monopoly on the use of violent force and the certification of citizenship, these means suggest particular ends: the production of the social order. Police have the primary mandate to produce order and administer poverty. From a new abolitionist perspective, the particular social order of the U.S. is unique. The white race was founded through the production and maintenance of the color line and performed through a cross-class alliance of whites. Policing is deeply implicated in these processes. A historical account of police during the Herrenvolk era is provided. Finally, the persistence of racist policing is explained in light of a now officially color-blind political order, with officers functioning as petty sovereigns in a neoliberal era.

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Erin Ash

Colorblind Ideologies in Media Critical media scholars have long noted the importance of media texts to the deconstruction of racial ideologies that are dominant in our culture and to examinations of how these ideologies are reflected and reinforced

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Colonial Reform and Racism after World War II and the Making of Colorblind France, 1945–1950 (Vol. 33, No. 3, 1) THOMPSON, Christopher S . From Black-Blanc-Beur to Black-Black-Black ? “ L’Affaire des Quotas ” and the Shattered “Image of 1998” in Twenty

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John Ireland and Constance Mui

racial justice. For example, our commitment to color-blindness as an ideal principle can result in social policies that ignore constraining background conditions for nonwhites. Ideal norms rarely hold up under non-ideal situations and Fugo concludes that

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Mathias Möschel

anti-White racism because they see it as deriving from certain elites trying to bring to France a race-conscious perspective running afoul of the republican color-blind model. According to them, race consciousness locks young people of color into an

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Maneuvering Whiteness in France

Muslim Converts’ Ambivalent Encounters with Race

Juliette Galonnier

“Frenchness” and integrate into the French republican mainstream, whose color-blind universalism implies relinquishing any distinctive cultural, ethnic, or religious identity. Yet, a few authors have wondered whether “when we talk about ‘Frenchmen’ without any

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Contemporary “Structures” of Racism

A Sartrean Contribution to Resisting Racial Injustice

Justin I. Fugo

”, specifically the aspiration toward race neutrality and color-blindness as solutions to racism and racial injustice. Ultimately, by highlighting structures of racial oppression and domination, I aim to justify: 1) the imperative of creating conditions free from