social ranks, depopulate the countryside, and spread dissolute moeurs . Yet, eighteenth-century French and British writers addressed the social ramifications of luxury and commerce through the physical body. In his first two “Discourses,” Jean
Corporeal Sociability and the Language of Commerce in Eighteenth-Century Britain and France
Joseph D. Bryan
What marks the difference between modern and non-modern political philosophy? Such a question could be understood in two ways. On the one hand, it could be understood as a question concerning formal differences between modern and pre/non-modern modes of philosophising. On the other hand, it could be understood as a question about the changing nature of the object of the philosophical enterprise, namely a question concerning the historical differences between modern and pre-modern (domestic as well as international) politics. Contemporary political philosophy has focused primarily on meeting the first, formal, challenge. By failing to take proper account of the effects that major historical developments—especially the rise of commercial society and global market economy—have had on the character of political life, much of contemporary political theory tend to view its enterprise as essentially an extension to or an application of ethics. What is needed instead is a 'political economy'. Political philosophy must rise to this challenge if it wishes to help us contend with our present predicament. The final part of the article outlines a realist, non-moralistic, political philosophy which takes account of the interplay between human 'sentiments' and 'reason' in a commercial world order.
character with its circumstances. Circumstances, Consciousness, Observation, and Commerce Brown’s independent and shifting authorial consciousness is defined by his experiences, which then permit him to describe the diverse circumstances of various
Perspectives on the Economic Revitalization of Lower Manhattan
The 9/11 attacks claimed the lives of thousands of New Yorkers and also devastated the economy in Lower Manhattan. Many local businesses and restaurants were forced to close, and thousands of residents were displaced from their homes. For more than a decade, the neighborhoods surrounding the World Trade Center site struggled to stay afloat economically. However, recent years have witnessed the revitalization of this area as developers have built new office and retail spaces as well as museums and memorials that attract visitors from around the globe. Drawing from fieldwork conducted between 2010 and 2017, this article analyzes the significance of these rapid economic developments for individuals who were personally affected by the attacks. Some persons condemned the changes as immoral, believing that money and respectful remembrance cannot coexist. Others viewed the revitalization as redemptive, the product of the communitas that had united citizens after the tragedy.
This essay offers a close reading of a highly influential ballad, one that played a significant role in the excise crisis of 1733 when it helped turn public sentiment against Robert Walpole's government. The ballad, which plays upon Walpole's use of the term "sturdy beggars" to insult a group of petitioning merchants, manipulates both positive and negative visions of beggary. At the same time, the ballad aligns the merchants who opposed the excise bill with several cultural iterations of the strong and suffering type, including social bandits and martyred heroes. In the decades that followed, the sturdy beggars affair came to represent the extreme malleability of political rhetoric. It explains the emergence in the 1730s of a powerful strain of postpolitical exhaustion with demotic culture.
John V. Maciuika
Although the conflict between Muthesius and van de Velde has been well documented in the annals of modern architectural and design history, far less understood is the extent to which domestic political crises and new policy departures in Berlin served as preconditions for the Werkbund conflict in the first place. Prominent Werkbund members—men such as Werkbund Managing Director Ernst Jäckh and Werkbund Vice President Hermann Muthesius, but also including such national political figures and Werkbund members as Friedrich Naumann of Württemberg and Gustav Stresemann of Saxony—used institutional affiliations and their multiple professional identities to forge unprecedented linkages between the Werkbund leadership, industrial interest groups, and powerful German state interests. Specifically, and at the national level, new policies articulated by German Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg and key German ministries in Berlin, strident national interest group politics, and an evolving state outlook toward Weltpolitik (geopolitical strategy) combined to reshape Werkbund policy in fundamental ways between 1912 and 1914. Without these forces, and without developments that followed the lopsided and highly contentious Reichstag elections of January 1912, the Werkbund likely never would have risen to the prominent position it came to occupy with state authorities by July 1914.
’armée turque tue-t-elle les mules? Dans cet article nous montrerons qu’abattre les mules qui jouent un rôle important dans le commerce transfrontalier est une politique punitive pratiquée par les forces de l’ordre, qui peut également être lue comme un mode de
impediment to resumed Somme farming was the ubiquity of unexploded shells. The second section also discussed restoring “essential conditions for communal life,” such as farms, houses, usable water, food sources, and local commerce. 23 Similarly, in November
Commerce, Mobility and Masculinity among Afghan Traders in Eurasia
. Beyond contesting one-sided images that suggest Afghan masculinity revolves around the twin notions of honour and bravery, the article addresses the intersection between mobility, masculinity and commerce, exploring the manifestation of these in the
EU networks in Vietnam
, such as France, Italy or Germany. At the time of the interviews, the EVBN was a consortium comprised of the French Chamber of Commerce, EuroCham, the Italian Chamber of Commerce as consortium members in Vietnam, and the Czech, the Polish and a