The call to attend to a history of affect is hardly a new one in the profession: in 1941, in a classic essay entitled “La sensibilité et l’histoire: Comment reconstituer le vie affective d’autrefois?,” Lucien Febvre laid out an agenda for just such a historiographical turn. His reasoning, however, had less to do with the need for a history of affect per se than with the belief that the history of ideas or of institutions, both of them mainstays of traditional historiography, “are subjects that the historian can neither understand nor make understood without this primordial interest that I call the psychological.” In a perceptive review essay of the historiography of emotions that marked the beginning of the current affective turn in historical inquiry, Barbara Rosenwein argued that Febvre’s turn toward such a history was less a repudiation of the political focus of history than a belief born from observing the rise of Nazism: “politics itself is not rational, not unemotional.” As Rosenwein notes, Febvre answered the skeptics in his own essay: “The history of hate, the history of fear, the history of cruelty, the history of love; stop bothering us with this idle chatter. But that idle chatter … will tomorrow have turned the universe into a fetid pile of corpses.”
Russia and Steven Pinker’s Thesis
Nancy Shields Kollmann
violence in “civilized” societies, expanding from Europe into contemporary global society. As roots of these changes he identifies phenomena familiar to historians thanks to burgeoning literature since the 1970s: early modern European state building, “the
Recognition of a right of resistance to oppression clearly helped modern Western polities accept constitutional forms of order. Drawing on Locke's canonical discussion in the Second Treatise, influential Anglo-American political theorists also suggest that the establishment of modern constitutional states required outlawing resistance practices. A francophone perspective, however, raises a problem for such generalizations about modern Western political philosophy and practice: the French “résistance” differs in meaning from the English “resistance” in important ways. Reconstructing the histories of the cognate concepts, I show that “résistance” emerged out of feminized discourses concerning moral conscience and that, as a result, excluding résistance from politics seems implausible, a conclusion that sheds light on the discussion of résistance in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen. The article closes with the suggestion that, following the Second World War, French understandings of “résistance” may have influenced American politics and thought in unrecognized ways.
A Reconsideration of the Concept of Space and Its Role in the Early Modern Period
This exploratory essay seeks to unravel the inherent contradictions between two fundamental trends in contemporary historiography: the “spatial turn” on the one hand, and the “linguistic turn” on the other hand. The “spatial turn,” it argues, turned “space's” status as a category of analysis into an accepted dogma. Under these circumstances, one often overlooks the fact that “space,” like all concepts, can also be problematic and at times even misleading. By looking at several examples from and about the intellectual world of early modern Europe, the article demonstrates how the use of space as a category of analysis encounters two fundamental challenges. First, the problem of the absence of the word “space” itself from important early modern texts (“shrinkage”); and second, the overuse of the term “space” in translations and analysis of early modern intellectual works (“contamination”).
The Tempest and Peter Martyr's De Orbe Novo
Roger Stritmatter and Lynne Kositsky
In recent years the concept of early modern ‘source studies’ has undergone a sea change, with profound but underestimated implications for Tempest scholarship: ‘Where once it was assumed the term[source] could apply only to those texts with demonstrable verbal connection, critics [now insist]…upon the dialogue that an individual text conducts both with its recognisable sources and analogues, and with the wider culture within which it functioned’. Coincident with this widening of critical focus to include the circulation of motifs and ideas throughout the wider culture of early modern Europe has been the emergence of a renewed emphasis on the Mediterranean contexts – both literary and historical – that have shaped the imaginative topography of Shakespeare’s play.After decades of the dominance of Americanist readings, there is now a renewed appreciation for the topographical complexity of Shakespeare’s imaginative landscape.
Winnifred Fallers Sullivan
Early Modern Europe . The ending of religio-political monopolies then as now leads to a bustling ‘do-it-yourself’ quality to the fragmented afterlife of Christian life in Europe. As with Nicolas Howe's (2016) Landscapes of the Secular: Law, Religion
, therefore ensuring that the society was mired in shortages. To take an example on the supply side of C-M-C, the historical record of early modern European transition to capitalism with its loosening of feudal interpersonal bonds is replete with accounts
The Transformation of Suicide in Western Thought
the history of suicide in specific places and times. In early modern European and Russian history, the contributions of Godineau, Merrick, and Morrissey are fine examples, 6 yet there is little contact between this scholarship and the disciplines
Corporeal Sociability and the Language of Commerce in Eighteenth-Century Britain and France
Joseph D. Bryan
University Press, 2006), 24. 2 Otto Mayr, Authority, Liberty, and Automatic Machinery in Early Modern Europe (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 30. Hans Blumenberg would question Mayr's qualification “only.” In his assessment
Lessons Learned from Teaching The Merchant of Venice in Israel
Esther B. Schupak
had learned about various Jewish badges and restrictions on Jewish life in early modern Europe, and the catch-22 in which European Jews found themselves, tolerated by European Christians for their economic contributions, yet simultaneously reviled for