supplanting not only mamlakhtiyut (statist consciousness) but also faithfulness to the halacha. Their identity is now based more on mythic ethnocentrism than on Torah study, and the Temple Mount serves them, just as it served the secular Yair Stern and Uri
Ethnocentrism and the Temple Mount
beliefs and sensitivities. These different re-conceptions can caution the teaching and reading of Merchant against casually generating racial bigotry on the one hand, and taking ethnocentrism for granted on the other. Such adaptation practices have
Le Pen and Besancenot Voters in the 2007 French Presidential Election
Focusing on electoral support for the extreme Left and the extreme Right on the eve of the 2007 French presidential election, this article refutes the "convergence of the extremes" theory. It draws on data from the 2007 CEVIPOF French Electoral Panel to compare the profiles of voters for Jean-Marie Le Pen and Olivier Besancenot. Combining sociological, psycho-political, and economic models for explaining voter choice, it shows how different Le Pen and Besancenot voters are in their partisan and ideological attachments, as well as their social affinities and their positions on candidates and issues. Divergent social and political logics explain the electoral support for these two candidates: their voters do not occupy the same political space, they do not have the same social background, and they do not hold the same values.
This article examines the ideals of G. N. Potanin and N. M. Iadrintsev, who were the architects of the federalist Siberian oblastnichestvo movement of the second half of the 19th nineteenth century and beginning of the 20th twentieth century. In their day, the work of the oblastniki on the cultural specificity of native Siberian peoples had a great influence on popular opinion, on the popularization of ethnological theory, and on the general social and political credo to reform policy towards these people. The oblastniki rejected both ethnocentrism and Eurocentrism in the comparison of various peoples. Their eventual acceptance of cultural relativism, the idea of equality of cultural values between peoples, and need for a civil understanding of human history were all closely linked to their political program of promoting regionalism. Their regionalist idea put forth the idea that every social and cultural unit had the right to an independent existence and to have control over their own development.
The Postsocialist Myth of Capitalism and the Ideological Suspension of Postmodernity
There is a widespread tendency to see the perils of postsocialism in the revival of the ghosts and myths from the past—namely ethnocentrism, nationalism, exclusiveness, bickering, collectivist-authoritarianism, expansionist chauvinism, and victimisation. I suggest that postsocialism's perils rest with a myth from the future, namely, the myth of capitalism. Those perils, I argue, are rooted in the fetishisation of capitalism by the postsocialist societies as a reflection of their deeply ingrained teleological way of perceiving the future. Political leaders are taking advantage of this situation by putting themselves in the position of those who would lead toward such a utopia. As a consequence, individual freedoms are sacrificed at the altar of communitarian bliss. I suggest that the only hope that we have to secularise the newly re-religiosised postsocialist societies rests with intellectuals.
This article explores the language attitudes of young residents of the Republic of Buriatiia toward two official languages in the region, Buriat and Russian. The article also contributes to the research methodology on language attitudes and use, notably by employing a verbal guise technique in a psychosociolinguistic experiment. In the experiment, both phonetically authentic (native, accent-free) and inauthentic (non-native, phonetically nonstandard) Buriat and Russian voices are evaluated by representatives of both nationalities based on two distinct lines: achievement and character traits. The experiment revealed positive attitudes toward native speaking and perception of non-native speaking as a deviation from the norm that are indicative of the unconscious “one ethnicity—one language” idea in the mass consciousness of the youth in Buriatiia along with the strategies of tolerance and ethnocentrism.
Slouching toward Armageddon
’s provocatively entitled article, “The End Point of Zionism: Ethnocentrism and the Temple Mount.” Persico demonstrates how the growing focus by Israelis on the Mount developed paradoxically but inexorably out of secular Zionism, something that was actually
colonies was both expository and critical. Unlike his contemporaries, he refused to let racism and ethnocentrism taint his research. He inscribed black intellectual life and black experience into the historical narrative of France, and he did so from the
The Social Life of Contentious Concepts
Ronald S. Stade
the lens of contemporary meanings, had been as widespread as ethnocentrism in proto-anthropology. Conceptual history was conceived as a cure for pre- sentism. 3 Although the entries in the encyclopedia are about key concepts in German, more often than
Textbooks during French Colonization and the Modern Literature of Global Tourism
savage—to strengthen the conqueror’s certainties and domineering stance. Diversity, then, meant universalism and, by a mirror effect, ethnocentrism, nationalism, and racism, or exoticism as extolled by a number of literary texts that are now classics. 2