interconnections between different states, policy arenas, and policy actors in the policy process of the European Union (EU) ( Adshead, 2002, p. 14 ). It was accompanied by scholarly acclaims that “regionalism, whether within or across borders, is Europe's current
A new space for a study of novel forms of diplomacy
-Eurozone) countries. Ultimately, the crisis posed a systemic risk to the future of the single currency, which required political management. Under the conditions of the crisis, Germany moved into the position of the eu ’s leadership hegemon. Initially, this was
Kaloyan Haralampiev and Georgi Dimitrov
The research task arising from the EU’s policy concerns in the realm of rule of law This article aims to resolve an important policy problem, namely the EU’s changing approach to the rule of law (ROL). In early 2014, the European Commission
Cultural Policy in the Making of Europe
This article considers the development of a European Union (EU) cultural policy and its role in the making of Europe. One of the aims of cultural policy is the fostering of specific identities. Although normally associated with the state—the community thus 'imagined' being typically the nation, with the nation-state the prime actor of interventions on cultural matters—in the last 20-30 years, decentralisation on the one hand and Europeanization on the other have undermined the state monopoly of cultural policies, calling for a reconsideration of their rationale, objectives, and reach. This article contributes toward such reconsideration, concentrating on the Europeanization dimension. It is based on an account of how the EU is gradually establishing a competence in the field of culture and on a closer investigation into how its framework program, Culture 2000, has been implemented and interpreted in a local context.
The 2012 French presidential election witnessed an increase in discussion about the European Union and its policies. To an equal degree the two top contenders, Nicolas Sarkozy and Fran?ois Hollande, criticized European policies and made promises to rectify EU mistakes, if elected. European institutions and decisions became scapegoats for domestic failures and tough economic choices, reflecting a long-term surge in Euroscepticism among French voters, especially in comparison to EU averages. Both candidates sought advantage by engaging in “EU-Negative“ campaigns to be able to mobilize as many potential voters as possible. Surprisingly, a half-year of EU criticisms has not led, at least in the short term, to a further increase in anti-EU positions in the public opinion.
Mary N. Hampton
This article analyzes the differences in U.S., EU, and German perceptions of threat. The secularist and cosmopolitan turns in EU European identity formation have had a tremendous impact on how security issues are interpreted, especially in Germany. The traditional conception of threat has been re-defined. Yet, recent events are threatening the success forged through a half century of EU elite-driven culture change. Renationalization and a return to defining threat as fear of strangers have emerged across the EU.
English abstract: This article examines the evolution of the European Union (EU)–Latin America environmental relationship and the EU contributions to environmental governance in Latin America over the past two decades. It argues that environmental governance in Latin America is the result of the combination of three elements: (a) progress, albeit problematic, of international environmental frameworks;(b) domestic transformations in Latin American states demanding better environmental standards; and (c) international cooperation. From this perspective, EU contributions to Latin American environmental governance have increased since the early 2000s, but varied in specific cases. In spite of some bilateral differences (EU–Ecuador or EU–Venezuela), EU environmental programs to Latin America have modestly increased in areas such as climate change, renewable energy, and water since the 2000s and hence EU environmental policies in Latin America are significant to the extent that the environmental variable has relatively gained more relevance in the bi-regional relationship.
Spanish abstract: Este artículo analiza la evolución de la relación medioambiental de la Unión Europea (UE) y América Latina y las contribuciones de la UE a la gobernanza ambiental en América Latina en las últimas dos décadas. Argumenta que la gobernanza ambiental en América Latina es el resultado de la combinación de tres elementos: (a) el progreso, aunque problemático, de los marcos internacionales sobre medio ambiente; (b) transformaciones internas en los estados latinoamericanos para exigir mejores normas ambientales; y (c) la cooperación internacional. Desde esta perspectiva, las contribuciones de la UE a la gobernanza ambiental de América Latina han aumentado desde la década de 2000, pero variado en casos específicos. A pesar de algunas diferencias bilaterales (UE–Ecuador o UE–Venezuela), programas medioambientales de la UE hacia América Latina han aumentado modestamente en ámbitos como el cambio climático, la energía renovable y el agua desde la década de 2000 y por lo tanto las políticas medioambientales de la UE en América Latina son significativas en la medida en que la variable ambiental relativamente ha adquirido más relevancia en la relación bi-regional.
French abstract: Cet article analyse l'évolution des incidences de l'Union européenne (UE) en matière d'environnement et des contributions de l'Amérique Latine et de l'UE à la gouvernance environnementale en Amérique Latine au cours des deux dernières décennies. La gouvernance environnementale en Amérique Latine est le résultat d'une combinaison de trois éléments: a) les progrès, bien que problématiques, des schémas internationaux en matière d'environnement, b) les transformations internes dans les États d'Amérique Latine revendiquant de meilleures normes environnementales, et c) la coopération internationale. Dans cette perspective, les contributions de l'UE à la gouvernance environnementale en Amérique Latine ont augmenté depuis les années 2000, mais ont varié dans des cas spécifiques. Malgré quelques différences bilatérales (entre l'UE-Equateur ou l'UEVenezuela), les programmes environnementaux de l'UE en Amérique latine ont augmenté modestement dans des domaines tels que le changement climatique, les énergies renouvelables et l'eau depuis les années 2000 et donc les politiques environnementales de l'UE en Amérique latine sont importantes dans la mesure où la variable environnementale a relativement gagné davantage de pertinence dans la relation bi-régionale.
This article tries to assess the likely trajectory of Angela Merkel's policies toward the EU in contrast to her predecessor's. With Germany taking the European Council Presidency in the first half of 2007, Merkel will have had a year to put her stamp on the Presidency. By contrast, Gerhard Schröder, who took office in October 1998 had only two months before the German Council Presidency of 1999 began. I argue that Schröder's years will be remembered at the EU for a new emphasis on Germany's interests, and the decline of Germany's interest in and willingness to fund "European Grand Projects." Schröder had no great ambitions to follow Helmut Kohl's footsteps in being "reflexively European." Merkel, by contrast, shows signs early in her tenure to follow more closely her mentor's approach to the EU. I examine Germany's EU budget policies, as well as statements and policies toward the Stability and Growth Pact as the main support for the claim Merkel is different in policy not simply rhetoric.
The question in this article is how citizenship is reinvented and recontextualized in a newly founded European Union after the launching of Union Citizenship. What kind of conceptions of citizenship are produced in this new and evolving organization? The research material consists of documents presented by EU organs from 1994 to 2007 concerning eight EU programs on citizenship and culture. I will analyze conceptual similarities (continuities) and differences (discontinuities) between these documents and previous conceptualizations in various contexts, including citizenship discussions in the history of integration since the 1970s as well as theories of democracy and nation-states. Based on the analysis of participation, rights, and identity as central dimensions of citizenship, I will discuss the relationship of Union Citizenship to democracy and nationality.
A brief overview of the history of a policy idea
This article addresses why and how mobility has become central to the EU’s idea of doctoral education, aiming to reconstruct, in a historical perspective, the gradual conceptualisation of mobility as a policy idea. This process began with the discussion of academic mobility in the 1970s, when the European Communities had as yet no responsibility in the field of education, which resulted in the Erasmus Programme. In the late 1990s, the Bologna Process strengthened the discussion, substantially contributing to a consideration of mobility as a policy tool and the establishment of a mobility strategy. In connection with the EU research policy, the integration of doctoral studies into the Bologna Process is specifically analysed. The article concludes with some open questions, including the potentially negative consequences of the instrumentalisation of higher education for the concept of mobility.