This article argues that the symbolic borders of Europe and the existence of external Others have been at times more important than Europe's center or its actual physical boundaries, especially during the first decades after the foundation of the European Communities. Analyzing textual and visual sources taken from some ninety French, Italian, and German history textbooks published between 1950 and 2005, the various sequences in which European integration has been constructed are highlighted. Communism, the first external Other, provided the first minimum common denominator for a nascent political Europe. It was not until the end of the Cold War that a projection of a distinct European identity appeared. Nevertheless, the role of new external Other(s) remains important for the evolution of the discourse of a European identity. This article draws attention to the Others, seeking to embed the Others' perspective in narratives of Europe.
The 2012 French presidential election witnessed an increase in discussion about the European Union and its policies. To an equal degree the two top contenders, Nicolas Sarkozy and Fran?ois Hollande, criticized European policies and made promises to rectify EU mistakes, if elected. European institutions and decisions became scapegoats for domestic failures and tough economic choices, reflecting a long-term surge in Euroscepticism among French voters, especially in comparison to EU averages. Both candidates sought advantage by engaging in “EU-Negative“ campaigns to be able to mobilize as many potential voters as possible. Surprisingly, a half-year of EU criticisms has not led, at least in the short term, to a further increase in anti-EU positions in the public opinion.
The Attribution of Treatment Responsibility among Greek and German Actors in the Eurozone Crisis Debate
Jochen Roose, Moritz Sommer, and Maria Kousis
at the center of our analysis. 3 In the course of discussing and implementing measures to handle the Eurozone crisis, the Eurozone and the European Union ( eu ) changed fundamentally. European institutions intervened in core national policies. 4
Embodied Claims between the Nation and Europe
framing them as underdeveloped and as representatives of the postsocialist incomplete Europe. Also, one could argue that Europe and European institutions such as the European Court of Justice, the European Parliament, the Council of Europe (at least
Balfour Declaration. The works of Hebrew writers such as Saul Tchernichowsky, Micha Yosef Berdyczewski, and Yosef Hayim Brenner, as well as poets such as Hayim Nahman Bialik and Uri Zvi Greenberg, all became the objects of interest in European institutions
Luke B. Wood
. The second goal of the work presented here is to account more fully for the Greek bailout package in its final form including a strong role for the International Monetary Fund ( imf ) and an expanded, albeit still limited role for European institutions
great deal of research examines recent protest activity in specific European countries, I use a cross-national dataset to study the continent as a whole. Given the interconnected nature of European institutions, this perspective is important. Furthermore
security on the European continent. The initial conception of these European institutions and the theory of the spillover process that propelled European integration forward in the 1950s were the brainchild of the visionary Frenchman Jean Monnet. The
Irish National Identity and Germany as a “Significant Other” during the Euro Crisis
, while the nascent European institutions, in turn, promoted its institutionalization. 13 As Krotz and Schild argue, “Franco-German embedded bilateralism provides an important element of order and stability in Europe, underpinning the proper functioning
Tax Reform and Economic Governance in Istria, Croatia
(IDS) was established in 1994, this confirmed to many the region's irredentist tendencies, particularly because the IDS promoted regional issues that were viewed as too protectionist and showed an interest in participating in European institutions