the 16th century, it still connotes eviction as well: those left without pay, without work, unable to pay rent or mortgage, unable to catch up, will lose their homes. Some landlords suspend rent now and let it be known we are all in this together. 3
The Right to Housing in a Pandemic
The Production and Destruction of Secure Spaces in Olympic Rio de Janeiro
Margit Ystanes and Alexandre Magalhães
because public servants had pressured them to do so in different ways. While the response of residents had varied, those who remained at this point all wanted to stay. Some former residents also joined the protest of those who still resisted eviction
Contentious Housing Practices in Contemporary South Africa
Kerry Ryan Chance
This article examines the informal housing practices that the urban poor use to construct, transform, and access citizenship in contemporary South Africa. Following the election of Nelson Mandela in 1994, the provision of formalized housing for the urban poor has become a key metric for 'non-racial' political inclusion and the desegregation of apartheid cities. Yet, shack settlements—commemorated in liberation histories as apartheid-era battlegrounds—have been reclassified as 'slums', zones that are earmarked for clearance or development. Evictions from shack settlements to government emergency camps have been justified under the liberal logic of expanding housing rights tied to citizenship. I argue that the informal housing practices make visible the methods of managing 'slum' populations, as well as an emerging living politics in South African cities.
Above all else, 2006 was a year of elections. Or, to put it another way,
it was a year of intense democratic competition, participation, choice,
and outcomes. In fact, if we extend our gaze back further, we can say
that the regional election campaigns in early 2005 marked the beginning
of an 18-month crescendo of inter-coalitional (and often intracoalitional)
competition, participation (including center-left primaries
at both national and local levels), and choice, which reached its peak
with the knife-edge outcome of the April 2006 general election and
remained on that note for two months until the constitutional referendum
held on 25–26 June.
Tradition, Ecology and the Public Role of Ethnology
The folk, who have been exorcised from contemporary academic concern, are now replaced with the populace. Simultaneously, places as ecological loci of meaning and social relations have been discarded in favour of globalised spaces. Arguably, the contemporary obsession with proving the inauthenticity of tradition is itself an essentialising discourse. This obsession has helped destroy places and their ecological relationships. European ethnology originated in the Enlightenment pursuit of good governance and social improvement, which rendered it an instrument of political control - putting the folk in their place. By critically reconstructing the public role of ethnology, we can redirect the ethnological searchlight. Should not the responsible ethnologist, rather than colluding in evictions of the folk from their place, cultivate a respectfully critical understanding of social, economic, political and ecological contexts, working with the folk reflexively, to help reclaim their place.
After the elections held on 13–14 April 2008, virtually all observers
commented on their “historic” importance. The historian Ernesto Galli
della Loggia summarized this well on 16 April in the Corriere della
Sera: “The reality is that the ‘First Republic’ did not end in 1994. It
concluded yesterday.” In fact, at first glance, these elections did not
seem substantially different from the four that had taken place since
the majority system was introduced in 1994, reforming the traditional
political framework that had been relatively untouched since 1946.
During the 14 years between 1994 and 2008, three center-right victories
(in 1994, 2001, and 2008) and two center-left victories (in 1996
and 2006) regularly succeeded each other, following a perfect mechanism
of alternation that duly evicted whoever had previously governed
and put the opposition in power. A center-right victory in 2008 therefore
seemed a foregone conclusion.
The Conflict Between Ungdomshuset and Faderhuset
Stine Krøijer and Inger Sjørslev
This article is concerned with the idea of societal 'spaciousness' and its relationship to individual and collective autonomy. These issues are analyzed in the context of the eviction of a self-managed social center of left-radical activists in Copenhagen and the protests and public debate that followed. The authors find that societal spaciousness in Denmark is metaphorically associated with a house or a limited physical space. People should limit themselves in public space, as in a house, to 'make room' for all. Because youngsters are not conceived of as fully fledged political subjects who are able to conduct themselves appropriately in public space, they become a group of special concern. The authors argue that space should be conceived as a dimension of social relations, and that sociality relies on a temporal assemblage of people, things, and imaginaries with space.
Nonrecording as a civil boundary
characterize the Romanian state’s exclusionary policies toward its own citizens on the basis of administrative registration. They reveal two techniques used by the nonrecording state: failing to register newborns and revoking identity documents from evicted
that neighborhood that will displace and evict the poor local population from that area. Cracolândia is not only a protagonist of the urban planning debate in the city; it also became, in the first decade of the twenty-first century, an enormous social
Political Struggle in the Domestic Sphere in Postarmistice Hungary, 1919-1922
Emily R. Gioielli
motives” of his landlady. 32 In early December 1919, Mrs. István Borcsi complained to the Social Democratic Party Legal Aid Bureau about her impending eviction from a one-room apartment in Budapest. She claimed a widow, Mrs. Lajos Müller, who lived above