national and international beacon for peace and reconciliation. 5 However, Dresden has also become a leading center for far-right ideas and activities, particularly since 2014, and this seems only to have strengthened despite tarnishing Dresden's national
PEGIDA, AfD, and Memory Culture in Dresden
On the Political and Ideological Implications of Capitalism's Subordination of Democracy
capitalist interests. The article concludes by showing how the political left's complicity to the strengthening of neoliberalism and the discrediting of democracy makes it possible for the far right to capitalize both on the suffering that neoliberal
From Consolidation to Collapse?
The presidential and legislative elections of 2007 are widely seen to have marked the end of the Far Right as a major political force in France. How could this occur only five years after Le Pen's qualification for the presidential run-off, and with his party seemingly in the ascendant? This article discusses recent fluctuations in Far Right electoral performance in France. It focuses largely on the presidential elections of 2002 and 2007, re-examining the (supposed) upswell of Far Right support in 2002 and its (supposed) subsidence in 2007. Both elections require nuanced interpretation. Both confounded poll predictions, which in 2007 failed to measure the effect of Sarkozy's hard-right campaign and, crucially, the extent to which the border between “mainstream Right” and “Far Right” had shifted since 2002. This allowed Sarkozy to drain part of Le Pen's electorate, and raises questions over the wider impact of Le Pen and the FN on the political agenda in France.
Most explanations that have been advanced regarding the recent
successes of far-right parties in Western Europe suggest that these
parties should have also done well in Germany. With a high percapita
income and a strong export-oriented economy, Germany has
experienced large-scale immigration, a shift toward postindustrial
occupations, economic restructuring, unemployment, and social
marginalization of the poorest strata. These socioeconomic developments
have been accompanied by political responses which
should also benefit the far right: political parties have lost credibility, non-voting has increased, and ecological parties have become
established and have spurred environmental, feminist, and proimmigrant
Beginning in the 1980s, several historians began to challenge the view that fascism was a marginal phenomenon in interwar France, a view dubbed "the immunity thesis" by one of its critics. Surveying a range of works on far-Right intellectuals and movements during the 1920s and 1930s, this article suggests that "the immunity thesis" has been increasingly challenged by a variety of historians since the mid-1990s. However, a consensus on the issue has not emerged, as a number of historians stress the need to differentiate between fascism and other forms of right-wing nationalism in the French context. At the same time, there are signs that scholars are beginning to move beyond questions of categorization and address other themes relating to the inter-war Right. These new agendas have the potential to broaden our understanding of the late Third Republic in general.
The memory landscape in Germany has been lauded for its pluralism: for reckoning with the past not only critically but in its many complex facets. Nevertheless, particularly victims of repression in East Germany lament that their plight is not adequately represented and some have recently affiliated themselves with the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party and other groups on the far-right spectrum. This article seeks to explain the seeming contradiction between existing pluralism in German public memory and dissatisfaction with it by tracing how memory activists have shaped memory policy and institutions. Based on extensive interview and archival research, I argue that the infiltration of civil society into the institutions that govern memory in large part explains the strength of critical memory in unified Germany and the country’s ability to accommodate a variety of pasts. However, there is also a distinct lack of pluralism when it comes to the rules of “how memory is done,” to the exclusion of more emotional and politicized approaches that are sometimes favored by some victims’ groups. Using the case of the recent debate about the Hohenschönhausen Memorial, I contend that this explains some of the attraction felt by these groups towards the right.
A Hybrid Form of a Populist Right Movement
actor. The far right is in many cases not included in the traditional understanding of social movements. While in the 1960s and 1970s social movements were understood as being exclusively oriented to the left, this is clearly no longer the case today
The Alternative for Germany and Attitudes toward Migration Policy
Hannah M. Alarian
Few policies are as connected to the rise of the far right as migration. Even in Germany where nationalistic politics are highly stigmatized, the far-right, Alternative for Germany (AfD) has proven successful in linking itself with nativist
Reading the New Right
attempted murder of Bilal M., an Eritrean seeking refuge in Germany; and in the midst of a power struggle between rather moderate members of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party 8 and its far-right extremist wing led by Björn Höcke. In other words
Perspectives on the rise of the far-right and right-wing populism in the West
Sindre Bangstad, Bjørn Enge Bertelsen, and Heiko Henkel
For the American Anthropological Association (AAA) Annual Meeting in Washington, DC, 29 November to 3 December 2017, we organized a double panel on anthropological perspectives on the rise of far-right and right-wing populism in Europe and the