on one single definition of fascism, scholars do largely agree that this legacy did not end in April 1945. Roger Griffin suggests that “fascism continues to inspire” present-day movements (1991: xii) and, moreover, that fascism is presently
Community life and violence in a neofascist movement in Italy
Maddalena Gretel Cammelli
The anthropological conundrum
Douglas R. Holmes
Fascism in our time is emerging not as a single party or movement within a particular nation-state but rather as a dispersed phenomenon that reverberates across the continent nested within the political contradictions of the European Union. Rather than focusing on a specific group to determine whether it is or is not “fascist,” we must look at how diverse parties and movements are linked together in cross-border coalitions revealing the political ecology of contemporary fascism and the intricate division of labor that sustains it. Underwriting contemporary fascism is an “illiberal” anthropology that can colonize every expression of identity and attachment. From the motifs and metaphors of diverse folkloric traditions to the countless genres of popular culture, fascism assimilates new meanings and affective predispositions.
Women's Suffrage and the Ligues
This article addresses the fascist leagues' policies and philosophies regarding the political role of women, particularly the question of female suffrage. Unlike the parliamentary Right, which did not attempt to mobilize women until 1935, the fascist leagues envisioned women as key political players as early as 1924. Often invoking female work and sacrifice during the war, as well as women's supposedly superior moral aptitude, the leagues presented themselves as the forces that truly respected women's potential and importance in the state. To the leagues the domestic identities and concerns of women were not only compatible with fascist notions of politics, but rendered women potentially better fascists and citizens. Leaders of the organizations expected women to be wives and mothers, producing more children for France, while at the same time the leagues advocated that women engage in national politics and world affairs.
contemporary context. 300 can certainly be seen as a political allegory that embodies tensions resulting from the Iraq War and conceptions of Iran as a node of the “axis of evil.” This article will instead discuss the film's incipient fascism, a broad threat
Populism as the Ideological Embodiment of the Democratic Paradox
Anthony Lawrence Borja
, consists of a movement from the primary object that populist ideology is engaged with (i.e. the democratic paradox) towards an elaboration of the engagement (i.e. decontestation) and its distinction from authoritarianism (i.e. the case of Italian fascism
Mirko M. Hall
questions: Are they Nazis or not? Is this (valuable) art or not? This article seeks to investigate some of the National Socialist references within Death in June’s oeuvre to problematize attempts to unequivocally characterize neofolk as “hipster-fascism.” 6
Gustave Hervé and the Great War
Michael B. Loughlin
socialism sympathetic to fascism involved the perpetual rivalries within the French Left. But neither leftist divisions nor the transformation of Hervé can be separated from an anachronistic revolutionary tradition, which was ever more at odds with French
After the commons—commoning!
is, in rhetoric at least, about use values for the deserving, and about the making of community and commonality within a world where deserving people—Morgen and Erickson’s “hardworking people”—are threatened with dispossession. European fascism and
Beginning in the 1980s, several historians began to challenge the view that fascism was a marginal phenomenon in interwar France, a view dubbed "the immunity thesis" by one of its critics. Surveying a range of works on far-Right intellectuals and movements during the 1920s and 1930s, this article suggests that "the immunity thesis" has been increasingly challenged by a variety of historians since the mid-1990s. However, a consensus on the issue has not emerged, as a number of historians stress the need to differentiate between fascism and other forms of right-wing nationalism in the French context. At the same time, there are signs that scholars are beginning to move beyond questions of categorization and address other themes relating to the inter-war Right. These new agendas have the potential to broaden our understanding of the late Third Republic in general.
William D. Irvine
Scholars of Third Republic France have long assumed that the political spectrum was divided into a readily identifiable Right and Left, adhering to mutually exclusive positions. But this comfortable political taxonomy could, at times, to violence to political reality. The Right could at some periods in the history of the Third Republic be aggressively nationalistic; at other times it could be positively irenic. The Left was often pacifist, but not always and there were moments when it, or some fraction of it, could be quite bellicose. Neither anti-Semitism nor racism in general were the exclusive province of the Right. On critical issues, the Left could be more refractory to women's rights than was the Right. French fascism claimed to be neither right nor left and at least some French fascist movements could list as many former members of the Left among its leaders as former members of the Right.