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Jean-François Grégoire

In an effort towards developing a normative theory of federalism, this paper offers a critical assessment of the work of Will Kymlicka and Ferran Requejo in order to show the progress and failures of liberal nationalist authors on issues raised by the normative dimensions of federalism in Western multinational contexts. More exactly, the paper argues that both authors fail to give a complete theory of federalism because the liberal conception of self-determination as non-interference can only create superficial unity and contingent trust, especially in multinational contexts, where non-interference is to regulate relations between particular identities and conceptions of citizenship. Drawing on this critical assessment of liberal nationalism, I argue that the neo-republican ideal of non-domination, as developed by Philip Pettit (1997, 2012), provides us not only with the adequate normative heuristics to assess national rights of self-determination, but also international relations and the institutional conditions needed to create binding trust within multinational federal constellations.

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Michael Blake

circumstances that legitimate the policy of sanctuary are simply those implicit in the practices of federalism and subsidiarity. The second model, which I call the piecemeal model, denies this and grounds the defense of sanctuary in the particularity of what it

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Financing Gender Equality

Budgets for Women's Policies in German and Austrian Länder

Ayse Dursun, Sabine Lang, and Birgit Sauer

” and the “issues of the working woman.” 7 These different birthplaces of wpa infrastructures within two federations lend themselves to a focused comparative inquiry. We ask if the conditions provided by strong federalism in Germany enabled Länder to

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Werner Reutter

presidents of the fcc and former justices of state constitutional courts stress the contributions that German sub-national constitutional courts make to the rule of law, to democracy, and to federalism. 4 Second, state constitutional courts hand down more

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Freed from Sadness and Fear

Politics, COVID-19, and the New Germany

Michael Meng and Adam R. Seipp

learned from past failures. Nowhere is that more obvious than in the country's core principle of federalism. When the covid -19 cases escalated in early March 2020, there was no single plan for a pandemic response. Instead, each of the 16 Bundesländer

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Massimo Bordignon and Gilberto Turati

In respect of fiscal decentralization, the year 2007, and more generally

the Parliament, saw some progress, above all in relation to the regulation

of intergovernmental pacts, legislative proposals, and the institutional

relationship between different levels of government. There

were also some failures, particularly with regard to the continual intervention

by the central government in the matter of local taxes. The

year also saw the emergence of substantial problems in relation to

local debt. These had been on the increase in recent years, partly as

a consequence of the introduction of new financial instruments and

partly because of explosive growth in some areas of local expenditure,

notably in the health sector. The central government tackled some

of these problems effectively—for example, those in areas affected

by the new norms on infrastructure and the Health Pact—while its

approach toward others was ineffectual. In general, the difficulties and

internal contradictions of the parliamentary majority constrained its

legislative capacity, opening up the possibility that its more innovative

proposals—in particular, those relating to the constitutional reform of

2001—would not be implemented.

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Craig Parsons

Erik Oddvar Eriksen and John Erik Fossum, eds., Democracy in the European Union (New York: Routledge, 2000)

Dusan Sidjanski, The Federal Future of Europe: From the European Community to the European Union (Ann Arbor: Michigan University Press, 2000)

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Franca Maino

The regional elections of 16 April 2000 had a wide national impact:

they brought about the fall of the D’Alema Government and the formation

of the Amato Government. These elections represented a

political, rather than an electoral, defeat for the Center-Left. Even

though their outcome, in fact, could be interpreted as a mark of

electoral stability, it flew in the face of D’Alema’s belief that the

government’s action would translate into more support for the

Center-Left at the regional level.

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Brunetta Baldi and Filippo Tronconi

The regional elections of 28–29 March 2010 saw the indisputable victory

of the center-right, which took over the presidency of four regions that

had previously been held by the center-left, but they also brought about

significant changes in the power relations within the two main groupings.

The Partito Democratico (PD, Democratic Party) and the Popolo

della Libertà (PdL, People of Liberty) emerged from the elections noticeably

weakened, while there were gains for other alliance members

within the coalitions. The Lega Nord (LN, Northern League), which for

the first time took over the presidency of two important regions (Piedmont

and Veneto), made the greatest gains, but the results were also

good for Italia dei Valori (IdV, Italy of Values), which succeeded in gaining

a more or less stable vote after its excellent showing in the previous

general and European elections.

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Emanuele Massetti

On 28 July 2011, Roberto Calderoli, minister of the simplification of

laws and regulations and a leading figure of the Lega Nord (LN, Northern

League), announced that “the implementation of the federalist

reform can be considered, for its most relevant part, accomplished”

and that “federalism becomes a completed and transparent system, as

it had never been: a true federalism of which all citizens will feel the

effects.”1 On 11 August, Roberto Formigoni, the regional president of

Lombardy, a leading figure of the Popolo della Libertà (PdL, People of

Liberty) and a strong advocate of fiscal federalism, declared: “Fiscal

federalism has lost all its substance; it does not exist anymore.”