This article considers how the brain has become an object and target for governing human beings. How, and to what extent, has governing the conduct of human beings come to require, presuppose and utilize a knowledge of the human brain? How, and with what consequences, are so many aspects of human existence coming to be problematized in terms of the brain? And what role are these new 'cerebral knowledges' and technologies coming to play in our contemporary forms of subjectification, and our ways of governing ourselves? After a brief historical excursus, we delineate four pathways through which neuroscience has left the lab and became entangled with the government of the living: psychopharmacology, brain imaging, neuroplasticity and genomics. We conclude by asking whether the 'psychological complex' of the twentieth century is giving way to a 'neurobiological complex' in the twenty-first, and, if so, how the social and human sciences should respond.
Neuropolitics, Neuroscience and Subjectivity
Nikolas Rose and Joelle Abi-Rached
The Ambivalence of Christian-Muslim Public Presences in Post-colonial Tanzania
) cityscapes, where these various dynamics have become most palpable ( Dilger 2017: 518 ). In this text, I describe how the growing material and immaterial public presences of Christian and Muslim actors in Tanzania has been co-shaped by governing bodies
The Challenges of Geoengineering
Klaus Radunsky and Tim Cadman
: Towards Institutional Legitimacy . London : Palgrave Macmillan . 10.1057/9781137006127 Cadman , T. , R. Maguire , and C. Sampford . 2016 . Governing the Climate Change Regime: Institutional Integrity and Integrity Systems . London : Taylor
Canada and Airport Refugee Claimants in the 1980s
sought more progressive solutions for governing displaced populations worldwide. “[Traditionally] Canada has been afforded the luxury of being able to sit back and play its international and humanitarian commitment to refugees from behind a desk
Gianfranco Baldini and Anna Cento Bull
In 2008, Silvio Berlusconi returned to power in Italy, thanks to a decisive
electoral victory, with a slimmer, more manageable coalition and
a government hinging on a group of ministers who were very close to
him. The previous year had ended under the banner of anti-politics
and, more specifically, of widespread mistrust of a government seen
as too quarrelsome and paralyzed by a crossfire of vetoes. It had also
been the year of La Casta (The Caste), the successful book by Sergio
Rizzo and Gianantonio Stella, which implacably denounced wasteful
spending in Italian politics, as well as the campaigns by Beppo Grillo,
which acted upon, and in turn fueled, a climate of deep resentment
Maurizio Carbone and Simona Piattoni
In 2015, Matteo Renzi’s government continued to elicit contrasting reactions while dealing with both internal and external constraints. Some say it passed crucial reforms for economic development in fields such as the labor market, the banking system, education, and public administration, in addition to passing a new electoral law. However, others criticize the substance and, even more, the way reforms were passed by constructing variable parliamentary majorities according to the vote at hand, thus avoiding the need to build consensual decision-making relationships with interest groups and further centralizing power in the office of the prime minister. Be that as it may, the government was able to impose its own agenda in domestic affairs. Although the success of the 2015 Universal Exposition in Milan helped to bolster the image of the country, Italy continued to play a marginal role in key international areas, such as migration, European austerity policies, and the fight against terrorism.
Experiences of Being a Refugee in Turkey as a Country for Temporary Asylum
Kristen Sarah Biehl
This article addresses the question of how to theorize the relation between uncertainty and governmentality with regard to displacement and its consequences. It explores the experiences of asylum seekers in Turkey and the bureaucratic processes of refugee status determination, local dispersal, and third country resettlement, illustrating two main points throughout. First, 'protracted uncertainty', characterized by indefinite waiting, limited knowledge, and unpredictable legal status, is a central element of the experience of being an asylum seeker in Turkey. Second, this uncertainty serves to demobilize, contain, and criminalize asylum seekers through the production of protracted uncertainty, which in turn is normalized as a necessity of bureaucracy and/or security. The article invites readers to question the governmentalities of asylum and border regimes that not only discipline refugees' everyday movements but also determine the uncertainty of 'refugeeness'.
Examining the regulatory effects of documentary practices in a refugee settlement
Documents play an important role in the lives of refugees. However, little is known about the extent to which documents regulate the everyday lives of refugees and the anxieties of obtaining relevant paperwork for refugees seeking resettlement in the Global North. Although their lives are regulated by paperwork, refugees also use documents strategically to legitimise various claims and entitlements. This article shows how refugees interface with the administrative processes that seek to regulate their stay. Therefore, documentary practices become important tools through which processes and objectives of migration governance can be examined. This article seeks to contribute further insights on how the deployment of documents entrenches discourses of vulnerability, the role that paper regimes play in (re)producing processes of exclusion through administrative processes in humanitarian aid contexts and the revelations of documentary practices or paper regimes about those who govern and those who are governed by these practices.
The politics of citizenship and multi-culturalism in Peninsular Malaysia—the case of Penang
The present article analyzes how, after its independence in 1957, Malaysia has been able to manage the difficult coexistence among its three numerically most relevant ethnic groups (Malay, Chinese and Indian). This complex situation, a legacy of the British colonial-like plural society, has been governed via a specific model of multi-racial citizenship, which is significantly unlike the Western European ones in which, as a rule, the equivalence between nationality and citizenship predominates. Starting from the specific example of Penang in Peninsular Malaysia, the article intends to highlight two points. Firstly, that citizenship must be perceived as an agonistic process with competition, tensions and conflicts as well as permanent negotiations. Secondly, that the Occidental agenda, based on liberal principles, can no longer be regarded as the only valid one. Therefore, believing that the Western type of citizenship could be a universalistic institution exportable anywhere is misleading. Consequently, citizenship ought to be analyzed instead as a 'concrete abstraction' that is set up in strict correlation with the specific historical contexts and with particular circumstances of a sociological nature, relative to the characteristics of each society.
Zora Kostadinova and Chakad Ojani
, it belongs to the genealogy of scholarship on race and decolonization. Zora Kostadinova University College London Hannah Knox, Thinking Like a Climate: Governing a City in Times of Environmental Change . Durham, NC: Duke University Press