Male leaders have often used women's bodies and dress as a means to regulate their access to formal politics, including to national parliaments. Through an analysis of women's activism surrounding the expansion of headscarved women's access to the parliament during the 2011 parliamentary elections in Turkey, I argue that pious women's public protests against discriminatory actions of male leaders towards headscarved women's candidacy challenged the hegemonic symbolism surrounding the headscarf as articulated by both secularist and conservative religious forces. The consequent discourse shift offered a new perspective on women's sexuality in the public arena and brought secular and pious women's rights groups, who rarely saw eye to eye with one another, closer as they realised that imposed dress codes are vehicles for their exclusion from formal politics.
The French State as Mediator Between Civil Society and Individuals
This article examines the meaning of the French headscarf ban in the light of France's state-sponsored religious councils. These councils belie the view that France simply has a stricter separation of Church and State than the United States. Rather, France reconfigures the traditional conception of civil society as mediating between the individual and the state. The French state conceives of itself as the representative of the people and, as such, inter-mediates between religious institutions and individuals. This intervention achieves two distinct but complementary goals. First, the state endeavors to save individuals from private religious forces in order to promote individual autonomy. Second, the state's intervention into institutional religious matters bureaucratizes, centralizes, and domesticates religious institutions, making them more comprehensible and less threatening. Both the headscarf ban and the religious councils stem from the state's goal of serving as a buffer between its individual citizens and religious institutions.
Patrick Young, David Looseley, Elayne Oliphant, and Kolja Lindner
freedom, the Nouvelle Laïcité turns out to be antiliberal, denigrating the idea of freedom as such. The last twenty pages of Vauchez and Valentin’s study discuss the position that the headscarf ban in schools can be justified on feminist grounds
Public Discourse in Interwar Yugoslavia on the Status of Women in Turkey (1923–1939)
favored the headscarf ban in Turkey, 91 and some even commented that after the ban, “a new spirit reigned in Turkey, a spirit of European civilization,” as Pavelic stated. 92 Yugoslav travelers through interwar Turkey, like Messner-Sporšić, conveyed to
Antecedents of the Alternative for Germany's Islamfeindlichkeit
imposition of French laïcité , which would remove all religious symbols from the public sphere. Similarly, then President and Social Democrat Johannes Rau voiced opposition to a laïc headscarf ban through concern for Christianity's central place in German
Pınar Melis Yelsalı Parmaksız
, the consensus between the AKP and liberals was endangered. Eventually, by a specific law in October 2013, the AKP lifted the headscarf ban in state institutions including public universities except for judges, prosecutors, and police and military