The popularity of the notion of hegemony in anthropology and cognate disciplines has waxed and waned. The self-censorship of Gramsci's most accessible writings (Selections from the prison notebooks) and the multi-layered nature of his thinking have led to a variety of understandings of the term. Easier to reflect on historically, after the events, than to use for analyses of the present, hegemony is both attractive to intellectuals insofar as it establishes their role in politics and yet prone to vagueness in its application to real life situations. For these reasons perhaps, the notion is now on the wane. Yet before we throw out the baby with the bath water, we need to reflect on precisely how it has been used in social analysis and praxis. This article takes a critical view of those people who have most influenced anthropologists in their understanding of the term and argues that the fetishization of 'culture' has probably done more to mystify the concept than anything else.
Critical interpretations in anthropology and beyond
Masculinity Nostalgia and Military Edutainment in South Asian War Comics
examine both comics using close reading techniques grounded in literary theory and masculinity studies. My visual and textual reading also engage Raewyn Connell's (2000) theorization in The Men and the Boys about hegemonic masculinity, framing it
How Young Women Bargain with Patriarchy “On Road”
's (1987 ; 1995; 2000 ) concepts of hegemonic masculinity and emphasized femininity, with the focus resting on Connell's premise that sometimes masculine displays or masculine identity go beyond male bodies and can be performed across the gender spectrum
A Feminist Reading of Arab Shakespeare Appropriations
Safi M. Mahfouz
's drama constitutes an accurate depiction of British Renaissance patriarchal hegemony. Although Shakespeare presents realistic gender stereotypes in Elizabethan society, at times he presents female characters who challenge the norms and values of such a
Offensive Realism, the Bush Doctrine, and the 2003 Iraq War
Carlos L. Yordán
Research in the discipline of international relations finds that the great democratic powers are less likely to pursue revisionist policies. This investigation challenges this argument by showing that the United States' decision to oust Saddam Hussein's regime in March 2003 was consistent with a modified version of John Mearsheimer's theory of offensive realism, which finds that great powers' motivation is global hegemony. This article is divided into three sections. The first section considers the value of Mearsheimer's theory and reworks it by adding domestic variables to explain why states abandon defensive strategies for offensive ones. The second section shows how pre-9/11 American foreign policy strategy was, for the most part, status quo oriented, and section three explains why and how the Bush administration introduced a revisionist foreign policy strategy after the 9/11 attacks. This investigation concludes by showing how the 2003 Iraq War is the first step in the United States' quest for global hegemony.
. Characterized by tween fieldwork, design works, and Doris Allhutter’s (2012) work on mind scripting, TEAM encouraged and supported the coresearchers to find their voice and make it heard as a counter-narrative to hegemonic media texts and discourses. Using
Representations of the Spanish Civil War in Francoist History Textbooks of the 1960s
historical events were remembered at the time of their publication. 21 History textbooks serve as sources of officially recognized historic or hegemonic discourse on the past 22 and also contain traces of controversies and conflicts relating to the culture
“Worst Thing S/He Thinks About Me” Predicts Attitudinal Risk Factors for High School Healthy Relationships Program
Jessica J. Eckstein and Erika Sabovik
Connell (2000) argued for focusing on how boys and girls influence masculine embodiments within social systems, but in the last 20 years scholarship has focused largely on masculinity as a type (usually hegemonic) and as male ( Messerschmidt
Francesco Maria Scanni and Francesco Compolongo
-reaching renovation of their respective political and democratic systems, but have distinguished themselves from each other through their differing approaches to economic and social policy. Our work adopts the Gramscian notions of hegemony, Bonapartism, passive
Luke B. Wood
Germany’s increased power capabilities in foreign affairs since reunification have prompted scholars to argue that the country should be viewed as a regional hegemonic power, exercising significant influence not only over smaller countries in Eastern and Southern Europe, but also over the institutions of the European Union. After providing a critical assessment of the literature on hegemony in Europe, this article outlines three main trends in the scholarship on German power in European affairs. First, scholars tend to exaggerate Berlin’s power capabilities relative to other major European states such as France, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Research shows that Europe is best understood as a multipolar regional order, not a hegemonic system dominated by one powerful state. Second, German leadership in Europe is contested and often delegitimized. Since 1949, German political elites have not been able to exercise influence in Europe without the support of other European states. This remains true even after the collapse of the Franco-German “tandem” in the wake of the European debt crisis. Third, scholars fail to adequately address how American power in the North Atlantic impacts regional polarity. Since reunification, the role of the United States in Europe has only increased and American influence over Eastern Europe, in particular, surpasses that of other European powers, including Germany.