Strauss's critique of Heidegger's philosophy aims at a recovery of political philosophy, which he saw as threatened by Heidegger's radical historicism; for Strauss, philosophy as a whole could not survive without political philosophy, and his return to the classical tradition of political philosophy, while inspired by the work of Heidegger, was directed against what he saw as the nihilism that was its consequence. Here I wish to examine a dimension of Strauss's critique which, though hinted at, remains neglected or unexplored by Strauss: that is, how the critique of Heideggarian historicism should naturally link with Strauss's frequent attention to the issue of the ancient 'quarrel between philosophy and poetry'. It has often been observed by other commentators that through Heidegger's work, philosophy appears liable to be supplanted by contemporary literature, whether poetry or philosophy. As some of Strauss's explicit statements extend his definition of what falls under the category of 'poetry' in the modern age to contemporary novels and poetry, this aspect of Heidegger should have commanded more of his attention. Endurance of the quarrel between philosophy and poetry becomes through the prism of Strauss's work the confrontation of political philosophy with literature, particularly the novel form. It was not so much the rise of modern, non-teleological natural science that threatened the endurance and dignity of philosophy, then, but the rise of modern literature; the critique of historicism, when viewed in the light of the enduring 'quarrel', should lead one to a consideration of a crucial issue which remained oddly neglected, or was only hinted at, by Strauss.
Strauss's Critique of Heidegger and the Fate of the 'Quarrel between Philosophy and Poetry'
/colonial dominance. Dipesh Chakrabarty’s concept of “historicism” demonstrates how it was ever possible for African voices to be muted or drowned by Western domination. Historicism takes historical time as linear, unidirectional, and teleological. Historicism’s
A Challenge for Conceptual History
The debate between metaphor theorists and conceptual historians has been intensifying in recent years. This article takes this debate beyond the bias toward Blumenberg's metaphorology, and starts from the interaction view of metaphor as formulated by Max Black. The article opens with a theoretical framework that reformulates Black's notions of metaphorical resonance and emphasis. It adapts them to the requirements of Conceptual History, and adds a third, historical criterion for metaphoricity. It then applies these suggestions to the history of the metaphor play/game/Spiel/jeu within twentieth-century political thought. Here, the focus lies on the role this metaphor plays in the conceptual relations between the ideas of political order, conflict, and immanence.
Judith G. Coffin
Catherine Rodgers, Deuxième sexe de Simone Beauvoir [sic]: Un Héritage admiré et contesté (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1998).
Simone de Beauvoir: Le Deuxième Sexe, Le Livre Fondateur du féminisme moderne en situation, ed. Ingrid Galster (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2004).
Cinquantenaire du Deuxième sexe, eds. Christine Delphy and Sylvie Chaperon (Paris: Syllepse, 2002).
Le Deuxième Sexe de Simone de Beauvoir: Textes réunis et présentés par Ingrid Galster, ed. Ingrid Galster (Paris: Presses de l’Université Paris-Sorbonne, 2004).
Margaret A. Simons, Beauvoir and the Second Sex: Feminism, Race, and the Origins of Existentialism (New York and Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield, 2001).
Where Does He Leave Us?
R. Bruce Douglass
John Rawls is widely thought to have revitalised political philosophy. This paper discusses that claim critically in the light of Rawls' own characterisation of his project as well as a series of objections that have been raised by critics from diverse points of view. It concludes that the criticisms advanced by the authors in question help to clarify what exactly Rawls accomplished. He did revitalise liberal political philosophy, but in a manner that lacks much of the traditional substance of political philosophy. The paper concludes by discussing the significance of this finding and its implications for the future of political philosophy.
Mobility requires waiting, especially in intermodal transportation systems. People must wait in airports, stations, and vehicles; at bus stops; in queues at registration desks and luggage checks; at boarding; and elsewhere. Waiting is part of the public transportation routine. As Ohmori and Harata report, an average commute time for train commuters in Tokyo is sixty-nine minutes.
Liberalism in South Africa has attracted criticism from many quarters. A persistent objection focuses on the association between liberalism and capitalism, with liberals often cast as defenders of privilege and inequity and thereby as aligned with domination rather than liberation. This characterisation relies on a great deal of oversimplification. The length of the South African liberal tradition, and its diverse influences, means that South African liberalism resists easy definition. It is better seen as a family of resemblances than in terms of a lineage. The historical development of South African liberalism has therefore to be understood, above all, in terms of local conditions and contexts. By looking at its long history in this manner, it is possible to identify persistent strands of thought that are often disposed to support redistributive mechanisms. These may not be fully egalitarian and they may be pursued for pragmatic and prudential ends rather than as a matter of principle. Nevertheless, they include principled opposition to apartheid policies. Free-market ideologues have been exceptional within the long liberal tradition. An historical appreciation of the redistributive components of South African liberalism may help those who wish to revive modern liberalism as a social democratic movement.
Adrian van den Hoven
In his lengthy interview with Bernard Dort, published in Sartre on Theater1, the dramatist gives a detailed justification for the theme and setting of his play. His goal was “to demystify heroism – that is, military heroism – by showing its link with limitless violence.” Sartre decided not to situate the action in France “because [he] wanted [to have] a fairly wide audience” and satisfy in that way “an aesthetic need of theater, the need for distancing the object to some extent by displacing it in space in and time”.
Temporal Topology in the Post-Ottoman World
contemporary Western societies, this concept is linearity, which governs everyday rationality, science, and historiography ( Burke 2001 ), and it is conventionally recognized by the term ‘historicism’ (e.g., Chakrabarty 2000: 7 ). The historicist timeline
Conceptual Translation and the Politics of Historicity
modernization based on their own conceptualizations of modernity . On the other hand, and based on this critique, he has developed his own conceptualization of modernity that draws attention to problems of temporality and historicity in Arab intellectuals