The article explores some of the composite concepts of democracy that were used in Sweden, primarily by the Social Democrats during the interwar years. Should these be seen as pluralizations of the collective singular democracy or as something qualitatively new? By showing how these concepts relate to each other and to democracy as a whole, the article argues that they should be considered statements about democracy as one entity, that democracy did not only concern the political sphere, but was generally important throughout the whole of society. The article also examines the Swedish parliamentarians' attitudes toward democracy after the realization of universal suffrage, and argues that democracy was eventually perceived as such a positive concept that opponents of what was labeled democratic reforms had to reformulate the political issues into different words in order to avoid coming across as undemocratic.
The Concepts of Democracy in Swedish Parliamentary Debates during the Interwar Years
Future directions for global prison research
Lorna A. Rhodes
Although the modern prison was one aspect of colonial control, the literature on penality centers almost entirely on the ways in which control of populations has played out in advanced, industrial democracies. Each of the articles in this thematic section, on the other hand, describes a prison in one of the countries of the global South. The authors have given us beautifully fine-grained descriptions of the internal world of these prisons and much to think about in terms of possible directions for future work.
Policy Convergence and Partisanship in France, 1981-2002
Policy convergence between the political parties and the perception among voters that there is little to choose between left and right may be factors in the declining levels of partisanship observed in many advanced industrial democracies, including France, where these conditions emerged in the 1980s. Drawing on both quantitative and qualitative data, this article analyzes changes in the actual and perceived level of convergence between the mainstream parties in France from 1981 to 2002. It finds evidence of increasing policy convergence over the period as a result of a combination of endogenous and exogenous factors. It concludes that left-right ideological labels are still important to voters, even though they too have moved to the center, and that many of them want to see a clear dividing-line between the parties. The blurring of the boundaries between left and right and the “reversibility” of the mainstream parties has also enhanced the appeal of alternative and extremist parties.
Even as the tenth anniversary of the opening of the Berlin Wall was being celebrated, a scandal was beginning that seems destined to bring the Kohl era, however it is defined, to a close. My purpose in this article is to propose a framework for thinking about the broader political meaning and possible impact of the CDU’s difficulties. In this instance as in many others, I will argue, events in the Federal Republic are best understood if approached simultaneously from two angles. On the one hand, Germany remains bound to, if not necessarily by, its multiple experiences of dictatorship. Viewed in this context, events acquire meaning and significance as part of an ongoing process of democratization, or of an effort to “master” a past to some degree enduringly unmasterable. On the other hand, a half-century after its creation, the Federal Republic is an established democracy with a remarkable record of success and a predictable roster of problems. From this perspective, developments in Germany illustrate dilemmas and dysfunctions common across the advanced industrial democracies.
’s work of industrial sociology, Industrial Democracy , which quotes the key passages on the democratic control of the work experience from the SDS manifesto on participatory democracy in its introduction ( Blumberg 1968: 8 ; Turner 2015: 51
Reclaiming labor, conflict, and mutualism in Italy
austerity of the 1970s, for example, saw “a widespread but sometimes muddled enthusiasm for self-management, industrial democracy and participation, seen as solutions to problems of unemployment [and] economic stagnation” (Holm-ström 1989: 3–4). This
The Timeline of a Concept
Juan Francisco Fuentes
was for populism to succeed in industrial democracies during the Cold War. The scarcity of academic literature on the topic produced between 1940 and 1960 suggests a lack of interest in a phenomenon viewed as something from the past. The Library of
A Commentary on Jeff Jackson
William R. Caspary
’s Lobby, and the League for Industrial Democracy. That Dewey was, himself, an activist, public intellectual, and social critic is incontestable ( Jackson 2015: 77 ; Lee 2015; Martin 2002; Ryan 1995: 161 ; Westbrook 1991: 86). In private correspondence
The Microsocial Foundations of Physical Military Violence in Noncombat Situations
Nir Gazit and Eyal Ben-Ari
; King 2013 ; Shalit 1988 ; Storr 2009 ). But the militaries of industrial democracies have been, and are, involved in a whole array of physically violent encounters with civilians in areas of conflict—encounters that diverge from this quintessential
Why Analogical Arguments in Support of Workplace Democracy Must Necessarily Fail
democracy: Why bother? ” Economic and Industrial Democracy 27 ( 1 ): 173 – 191 . 10.1177/0143831X06060595 Follett , Mary Parker . 1918 . The new state: Group organization the solution of popular government . New York : Longmans, Green and Company