This chapter discusses Renzi’s leadership with regard to his party and the government. The main argument is that Renzi was able to use his party to support the government through his double role of secretary (of the party) and prime minister (of the government). However, the support of the party for the government’s actions has been regularly contested by an internal left-wing faction and has been weakened by the disaggregation and political autonomy of the local and regional party organizations. The chapter describes and analyzes the divisions within the national party, the difficulty of controlling local and regional organizations and leaders, and the parliamentary achievements of the government, which came about due primarily to the popularity of the prime minister. The personal leadership of Renzi has been a resource for promoting governmental reforms, but a leadership unsupported by a party will have difficulty facing future political and policy challenges.
Sergio Fabbrini and Marc Lazar
Who Were These Men and Why Did They Not Crush Mass Protest in 1989?
Uwe Krähnke, Anja Zschirpe, Philipp Reimann and Scott Stock Gissendanner
officers who worked at an important organizational level in the Stasi leadership hierarchy: the top-most command cadre at the district level. This particular level in the Stasi hierarchy played a key transmission role in the East German authoritarian regime
Between Stasis and New Opportunities
Under Matteo Salvini’s leadership, the Northern League has sought to move away from its status of regionalist party to become a truly national (even nationalist) party, following the example of the National Front in France. For the new leader, the issues of federalism and devolution seem to play a less relevant role than opposition to the European Union and, more generally, to the so-called political establishment. This chapter shows that 2016 has been a transition year for the party. After two years of significant electoral expansion, the 2016 local elections seemed to mark a moment of stagnation. Salvini’s popularity ceased to grow and even started to decline. This posed some challenges to his right-wing populist project. Yet the concluding section of the chapter highlights the new political opportunities arising from Donald Trump’s victory in the US presidential election and from Renzi’s constitutional referendum defeat at the end of 2016.
Transitioning from Mandate to Statehood
This article seeks to examine the impact of the transition from Yishuv to state on the Sephardi and Mizrahi leadership, as reflected in the patterns of organization and action of the Sephardi community councils in general, and the Councils of the Sephardi Community in Tel Aviv and Haifa in particular. Against the background of the growing centralized power of the state under the leadership of Mapai and the application of the principle of statism (mamlachtiut), the article will discuss the activities of the Councils of the Sephardi Community in Haifa and Tel Aviv. The article analyzes the process that led in 1951 to the dissolution of the Sephardi and Oriental Communities Union as a political framework, as well as the decision made in the same year by the community councils in Haifa and Tel Aviv to withdraw from political activity.
Sources of Authority and Power
The following broad-and admittedly rather superficial-survey of Jewish leadership types spans several millennia, from the biblical period to the present. A wide variety of positions with varying claims to authority will be reviewed: biblical charismatic 'judges', elders, priests, and prophets; rabbis and Exilarchs, emerging in late antiquity; wealthy laymen and courtiers in the Middle Ages; Hasidic rebbes and maskilim as new modes of leadership in the modern era. In each case the nature of leaders' claim to authority and the extent of their power within the Jewish community will be assessed. Different types of leaders often coexisted with a kind of division of labour, but cases of strong conflicts are of special interest.
Project for Jewish Teens – Forging Jewish Identity in Switzerland and Germany
This article introduces the Leadership and Dialogue project Likrat as a creative answer to the question of how Jewish adolescents between sixteen and eighteen years-of-age can gain a nuanced understanding of Jewish themes, expand their Jewish knowledge and strengthen their Jewish identity. The genesis of the Likrat project is specifically Swiss, yet the situation of Jewish communities in other European countries, especially those with marginal Jewish populations, is not fundamentally different from that of Switzerland. As a result, Likrat can serve as a model for educating Jewish youth in other European countries.
. Ultimately, the crisis posed a systemic risk to the future of the single currency, which required political management. Under the conditions of the crisis, Germany moved into the position of the eu ’s leadership hegemon. Initially, this was widely welcomed
This chapter deals with the political crisis of the Italian center-right that started with the fall of the Berlusconi IV government and the 2013 general elections. In 2015, the struggle for leadership of the center-right took place between Matteo Salvini and Silvio Berlusconi, resulting in the reversal of the balance of power between Forza Italia and the Lega Nord. Based on election results and some electoral surveys, Lega Nord seems to have become the third party at the national level and, through a process of radicalization, also the party of the new Italian right. From an organizational point of view, Salvini’s leadership can be defined as a personalized and postmodern media leadership. The systemic risks of this scenario are the absence of a center-right party that can compete with the Partito Democratico led by Matteo Renzi, the growing fragmentation of the center-right, and the conflict between moderate and radical tendencies. All these factors challenge the return to an alternating democracy.
The fall of the government led by Silvio Berlusconi on 12 November
2011 followed the wave of unpopularity that had hit the prime minister
and leader of the Popolo della Libertà (PdL, People of Liberty) since
the beginning of the year. Decreasing confidence and satisfaction with
Berlusconi and his government had been evident in Italian public
opinion after the relative public support it enjoyed between 2008 and
2010. With a popularity rating below 30 percent, the prime minister
now lacked the necessary degree of consensus to legitimize and hold
on to the leadership of his government, as well as to make it credible
and effective on the international stage.
Policy innovation is necessary for many environmental issues such as climate change and water management. Highly motivated individuals, who are both willing and able to take the lead and press home innovative proposals and as such transform existing policy, are vital in this process. This article focuses on such individuals. An exploration of the literature is confronted with the findings of an empirical study among local policy makers with a reputation for daring. The result is a conceptual map that can be used to further explore and understand the role of leadership and particularly daring decision making in environmental policy innovation.