Building on 25 months of fieldwork in eastern Germany from 1991 to 2003, this article explores the interpenetration of aesthetics and politics, and questions them as theoretical categories. A multilayered description depicts aesthetic perception and action, guided by an imagery of façade, as constituted and reproduced by state policies, positioned experiences, and subversive responses. Moving beyond the Cold War legacy, aesthetics' potency and politicization is dated back to early nation building and Protestant and Romantic influences. Being essential to and controlled by shifting, largely authoritarian regimes, aesthetics simultaneously provided a 'shadow life' and a 'lingua franca', cross-cutting verbal and non-verbal mediums and everyday and high culture, as people juggled with, distrusted, and decoded surfaces, expressing and in search of deeper, hidden truths. I argue that historically generated aesthetic perceptions and praxis not only mark east German political culture but also emerge in Habermas's public sphere theory and, moreover, offer arguments to revise it.
Aesthetics, Politics, and Shifting German Regimes
The Jewish Language of the Ottoman Sephardim
David M. Bunis
Judezmo, the traditional language of the Sephardic Jews of the former Ottoman Empire, is presented as a member of the group of Jewish languages, fusing elements of Ibero-Romance, Greek, Arabic, Ottoman Turkish, French, Italian and other linguistic stocks. In common with speakers of other Jewish languages, Judezmo speakers perceived their language as 'Jewish' and denoted it as such (Djudezmo, Djidyó). They wrote it in the Hebrew or 'Jewish' alphabet; used an archaizing variety of it (Ladino) to translate sacred Hebrew texts literally; and made frequent use in everyday language of words and phrases from Hebrew, and allusions to Hebrew texts, Jewish rituals and other facets of Judaism as a civilization. They preserved words from the pre-languages (Jewish Greek, Jewish Arabic) used by the ancestors of the Judezmo speakers in medieval Iberia, and following the Expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492, incorporated much material from the languages spoken by ethnic groups encountered in the Ottoman Empire. Distinct from both medieval and modern Spanish, Judezmo served as a lingua franca among the Sephardim throughout the ethnically and linguistically diverse regions of the Eastern Mediterranean. A special variety functioned as a secret code among Sephardic merchants. Today, Judezmo is treasured by its speakers as the unique, independent Jewish language of the Mediterranean Sephardim. However, the number of its speakers is constantly decreasing, making Judezmo an endangered language.
In this article the author examines the way in which concepts of citizenship and rights have been transmitted not only by conquest, but also by the imitation of Greek and Roman models. Also, the article discusses the way in which early modern empires, modelling themselves on the classical Roman empire in particular, bring these two elements together. Extensive historiographical work on the reception of European thought in the New World has been produced on both sides of the Atlantic and some important contributions that deal with the impact of the New World encounters in European thought have recently been made. However, the author argues that little work has been done on classical modelling as a vehicle for the transmission of concepts. The long tradition of classical learning, revived in the European Renaissance, made Latin the lingua franca of Europe, and school curricula across Europe ensured that members of the Republic of Letters were exposed to the same texts. This, together with the serviceability of the Roman model as a manual for Empire, ensured the rapid transmission of classical republican and imperial ideas. The author takes England and the British Empire as a case study and provides a variety of examples of classical modelling.
must be a centri fugal one as well. Lacey explores it too, but leaves some open questions and doubts in doing so. For him, the formation of a collective political identity relies on language. People need to speak a shared language (a lingua franca
's “truncated standardization”—the use of Russian as a widespread lingua franca meant that standardized Buryat was not of immediate need for speakers. However, contemporary media producers and other language specialists continue to push for a literary standard
Boundary Work as Production of Disciplinary Uniqueness
culture deals with diversity, which is expressed in different languages. Instead of demanding English as the only lingua franca, it should be supposed that anthropologists speak and interchange in several languages (in order to be able to recognise
Israel and Jewish Studies is an integral part of the Moscow Institute of Oriental Studies under the auspices of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The Global Advance of Israel Studies While English is the lingua franca of Israel Studies, many
Neriko Musha Doerr
-Anglophone’ countries (for example, India, Singapore) ( Kachru 1997 ) as well as varieties of English used as lingua franca by ‘non-native’ English speakers ( Jenkins 2006 ). Outside academia, British English (i.e. Received Pronunciation) and Standard American English
The Practice of ‘sharing’ in a New Age Variant of Umbanda
lingua franca of ‘self religiosity’ ( Heelas 1993 ) or point to the pervasiveness of exegesis in this religious universe ( Hanegraaff 1998 ). Little is known, however, about the use of language in practice. In this respect, the discursive practice of
Animals and Human Knowledge
(1914): 994. 41 Philipps, “Farming with Elephants,” 736: “They arrived very homesick, and proved to be less resistant to climatic conditions than Europeans. Moreover, they showed little aptitude for the local lingua franca, so that their relations with