sway over the policy approaches that were developed. The food industry was able to appeal to the “French food model”—emphasizing pleasure, taste, gastronomy, and local products—to defend its interests. Moreover, the food lobby found an ally in the
Toward an Explanation of Inconsistencies between Framing and Policies
Henri Bergeron, Patrick Castel, and Abigail C. Saguy
Donna Robinson Divine
John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007).
John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, “The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy” (Faculty Research Working Paper No. RWP06-011, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, 2006).
Elizabeth Stephens, US Policy Towards Israel: The Role of Political Culture in Defining the Special Relationship (Portland, OR: Sussex Academic Press, 2006).
Irvine H. Anderson, Biblical Interpretation and Middle East Policy: The Promised Land, America, and Israel, 1917–2002 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005).
The influence of the pro-Israel lobby in US foreign policymaking toward the Middle East has been a subject of great interest and fierce controversy in recent years. Yet, despite being the object of a massive amount of critical scrutiny, the pro-Israel lobby remains poorly understood. All too often it is depicted as a highly organized, cohesive political actor pursuing an agenda in line with, and even determined by, Israel's right-wing Likud party. By undertaking a detailed empirical survey of the pro-Israel community in the United States, this article shows that such a view is grossly inaccurate. The pro-Israel community is neither monolithic nor a unitary actor. It is fragmented into a number of different groups, many of which disagree sharply over their understanding of Israel's real interests. In lobbying the US government for what they believe is in Israel's interests, therefore, the pro-Israel community rarely, if ever, speaks with a single voice.
Contrary to many claims, the 'pro-Israel' factor is not the dominant constraint on any US effort to impose a comprehensive peace settlement. Nor did the pro-Israel lobby play a decisive role in the failure to reach a comprehensive peace in the 1990s. The most significant effect of the pro-Israel factor in the United States is to give Israel the benefit of the doubt by putting the onus on the Arab side to demonstrate its sincerity concerning peace. When Arab leaders have done this, they have greatly reduced the lobby's ability to constrain US diplomacy. However, the greatest constraint on America relates to the balance of interests between the United States and the parties to the conflict themselves. For the parties the details of any agreement are of much greater importance than they are for the United States, hence they are willing to pay greater costs than the latter is willing to impose on any confrontation. Consequently, under most conceivable circumstances the United States cannot impose a comprehensive settlement.
Richard Meissner and Jeroen Warner
for interest groups to publish their lobbying campaigns. This practice eases the identification of information for researchers who investigate the knowledge content of lobbying efforts. We turned to the internet to identify and download information on
The American Jewish Committee and Israel’s Palestinian Minority, 1948–1966
Geoffrey P. Levin
’ against Zionists. Uninterested in a public confrontation and faced with the reality that limited private lobbying did not yield significant results, the AJC does not appear to have taken further action on behalf of Palestinians in Israel until the 1960s
Rennie Parker, Nadine Brummer, Derrick Buttress, Simon Curtis, and Gill Gregory
Keep It Real Living In Quotations RENNIE PARKER
The Announcement Tulip NADINE BRUMMER
Reading Public-School Stories DERRICK BUTTRESS
William Payne SIMON CURTIS
A Poet’s Profession Hotel Lobby (after Edward Hopper) GILL GREGORY
Pro-Israel advocacy in the United States has come under a great deal of critical scrutiny in recent years. Denunciations of the excessive influence of the “Israel Lobby” on US foreign policymaking toward the Middle East, allegations of espionage leveled against high-ranking employees of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), and arguments over whether pro-Israel organizations adequately represent American Jewish opinion have all served to put the pro-Israel lobby in the public spotlight.
Alcoholism as a Problem of Agricultural Subsidies, 1954–1955
In 1954, Pierre Mendès France committed the state to curbing alcoholism as part of an effort to reorient important agricultural sectors and improve French economic performance, using milk as a symbol of his government's new direction. While Mendès France's milk drinking was often portrayed as the whim of a maverick politician, this article shows instead that it was the expression of a broadly based movement to modernize the economy. Challenging the view of an insular state that exclusively served the powerful alcohol lobbies, this article contends that the success of alcohol reform hinged on Mendès France's ability to overcome parliament and pit other economic sectors and a public health movement against those lobbies. Although it would require the more centralized authority of the Fifth Republic to implement lasting reforms to the alcohol sector, the Mendès France government helped raise public awareness about the purported link between alcoholism and agricultural subsidies that kept uncompetitive producers on the land at the taxpayer's expense.