link between these groups and the local sphere is thus part of an order of things from which their members can hardly be separated. As a result, the space in which their mobilizations are organized merges quite perfectly with their places of life. The
Away from Demonstrations
South African Poor People's Movements and the ‘Regime of the Near’
The “Brick and Mortar” of Mobilization?
Storytelling and Materiality in Anti-Asylum Seeker Center Protests in the Netherlands
Iris Beau Segers
various groups of local residents to mobilize against the establishment of these AZCs in their area ( NOS 2016 ). Based on Charles Tilly's (1978) definition of mobilization as “the process by which a group goes from being a passive collection of
Digital Activism, Physical Activism
Malta’s Front Harsien ODZ
this article, I aim to answer two main research questions. First, do Front activists form part of a social network and, if so, how? Second, how do online and offline activism influence the Front’s organization and mobilization? To answer these two
Explaining Non-Diasporic Mobilizations for Distant Causes
A Comparative Study of the Palestinian and Kurdish Struggles
start of the Second Intifada and the launching of the Boycott, Divestment Sanctions (BDS) campaign. When scholars think of grassroots activism in support of a distant cause, they most often associate it with the mobilization of ethnic kin, or diasporas
The Palestinians, Israel, and BDS
Strategies and Struggles in Wars of Position
Ian S. Lustick and Nathaniel Shils
BDS and Anti-BDS Mobilization: Rational or Epiphenomenal? In 2019, the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, an Israeli think tank closely associated with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, published an explicitly Gramscian analysis of
Critical Engagements of NGOs for Global Human Rights Protection
A New Epoch of Cosmopolitanism for Larger Freedom?
Since the mid-1990s, the international norms for global development have been redefined under non-governmental organizations’ (NGOs) critical e-mobilizations, powered by new media. International governmental organizations (IGOs) have been forced to make policy adjustments or concessions, resulting in new IGOs-NGOs policy regimes for consultative consensus building and for protecting people’s economic, social, and cultural rights (ESC) for enhancing social quality. This paper examines the emerging cosmopolitanism in the information age, focusing on NGOs’ advocacy networks, to understand the new media-enhanced participatory regime for global governance. It also illustrates a new form of social participation, as promoted by social quality theory, in the age of e-globalization and the information society. The paper has five parts. After outlining the globalization project threatening ESC rights, the second section examines critical engagements of NGOs and IGOs for human rights promotion. Parts three and four discuss, respectively, the struggles for ESC rights in shaping new ethics and norms for global development, and the variations of new social media mobilization. The paper ends with critical remarks on the project for larger freedom and human rights for all.
Volunteering as Protest
Against State Failure or the State Itself?
Although the Czech Republic (CR) is not a favorite destination nor even a transit country for migrants through Europe, the refugee crisis has materialized into a strict state policy of rejection. The CR rejects proposals for European solutions and detains and imprisons immigrants, most of whom are inadvertently arrived there. This preliminary refusal strategy is peculiar to both the political and media spheres (and public opinion) and is described in the opening sections of this work. However, the CR, is also a country in which the tally of immigrants is less than the number of Czechs citizens traveling beyond their national borders to help refugees congregating along the “Balkan Route”, where they frequently outnumber volunteers from other countries. This paper goes on to describe the development of these grassroots Czech volunteer organizations and activities in 2015. From the beginning it was characterized by spontaneity and a lack of hierarchy, with the Internet and social media playing a vital role during mobilization and organization. The methodological section defines how this sample was analyzed and the manner in which it was dealt. Section five summarizes the most important findings of the case study: (1) the results of a questionnaire survey among volunteers, (2) the results of a qualitative content analysis of their communication in social networks. Besides basic mapping steps (features of volunteer’s participation), the analysis attempts to capture motivations for volunteer’s participation. Comparison with selected motivation typologies emphasizes the protective (later the normative) motivation, on which the hypotheses are based regarding the dispute about the national identity of volunteering as an ideological, and therefore foreseeable, dispute.
Mobilizing Malian-Diasporic Identities
How Southern News Websites Facilitate Non-sedentarist Discourses on African Migration
control at borders that can even reinforce racialized mobility politics. 7 But also on the discursive level, actors have been using social media for street mobilization and political legitimization against migration. 8 Some academics have highlighted the
What Really Matters in Creating Mass Mobilization, Classical Organization, or New Social Media?
A Comparative Case Study of the Mass Mobilization Process in France and South Korea
This article explores why people adopt different processes to participate in mass mobilizations, using the 2006 Anti-CPE (labor law) Movement in France and the 2008 Candlelight Movement against American Beef Imports in South Korea as case studies. In France, initiators and participants followed the ‘ready-made’ way: left-wing organizations led the whole process of mass mobilizations. In contrast, in South Korea, initiators came from ‘nowhere’: they were middle and high school students without any political organizations; participants were ‘tainted’ by the left-wing political line. The key finding of this study is that the levels of demarcation of political lines in people’s everyday life may explain this difference. In France, strong establishment of a political line in people’s everyday life brought fewer new actors, creating less surprise but a solid mobilization; in South Koreas, the less-established political line in people’s everyday life attracted more new actors, creating more surprise but ‘frivolous’ mobilizations.
When the Outrage Becomes Personal, and the Urge to Act Unbearable
other words, nothing in this situation seemed “given,” and this makes it hard to predict what would be the next thing happening. According to Reed, the root causes of mobilization contexts are more immediate than those of revolution as a “macro