This article aims to investigate, from an interdisciplinary point of view, the concept of parliamentary immunity. The main objective of this inquiry is to identify the historical premises and the political, linguistic, and legal instruments that determined the conceptualization of parliamentary immunity in light of the main intellectual events in Romania and France. Embracing Reinhart Koselleck's working methods, this research will develop in extenso a comparative conceptual analysis based on methodological rigor, emphasizing not only the importance of the concept after its entry into national languages, but also the political usages of the concept and the present understandings of it.
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A Conceptual Analysis for France and Romania
specified in the text and coincides with the text's actual or imaginary performance. For instance, the monarch's return to the capital ( adventus ) frequently prompts a narrative of an antecedent battle. Crucial to the genre is its double pragmatic anchoring
The Madness of King Charles III
Shakespeare and the Modern Monarchy
succession crisis the play was perhaps written to address. The dramatist called on ‘princes to act, / And monarchs to behold the swelling scene’ ( Henry V , Pro.3–4). So, scholars glimpse in Hamlet aspects of both James VI of Scotland and his brother
Salian Women’s Religious Patronage
crypt next to their husbands, a distinctly imperial practice, one English or French monarchal families would not emulate until the thirteenth century. When looking for imperial traditions, the Salians had a number of options, including the Byzantine
From Scottish Independence, to Brexit, and Back Again
Orange Order Ethno-religion and the Awkward Urgency of British Unionism
-Catholic hierarchy. With Queen Elizabeth II approaching 95 years of age, the prospect of a new British monarch is looming, and with it, another opportunity for the Vatican to strike at the heart of the Protestant constitution of the United Kingdom. Having been
Traveling and Power
A Portuguese Viceroy's Account of a Voyage to India
João Vicente Melo
More than a mere travel diary the account written by Francisco Raimundo Moraes Pereira of the voyage of the Portuguese viceroy Francisco de Távora to India offers an interesting description of how the long journey between Lisbon and Goa was the first stage of a long process that transformed an aristocrat into an alter ego of the monarch. This article explores how Moraes Pereira combined a travel diary, with detailed notes on the daily life of the Carreira da India, and a panegyric concerned in fabricating an ideal image of a viceroy.
Moses Benjamin Wulff
Marvin J. Heller
The phenomenon of the Court Jew does not cease to fascinate us. Our attention is at first drawn by the contrast of Jews as advisers and confidantes to princes and monarchs, not infrequently in a kingdom or duchy which otherwise forbade residence to Jews, or, if it did allow it, segregated them in ghettos with the concomitant disabilities that results from such a status. The image of these court factors (Hoffaktor, Hofjude) is further enhanced by their use of the trappings of the eighteenth century nobility, while, more often than not, they not only adhered to the faith of their fathers, but actively worked for and interceded on behalf of their co-religionists.
The Terror of their Enemies
Reflections on a Trope in Eighteenth-Century Historiography
This article attempts to explain the appeal of "terror" in the French Revolution by examining the history of the concept of terror. It focuses on historiographical representations of sovereign powers, whether monarchs or nations, as "terrors" of their enemies. It argues that the term typically connoted majesty, glory, justice and hence legitimacy. Moreover, historiographical depictions of past rulers and nations frequently emphasized the transiency of terror as an attribute of power; they dramatized decline in formulations such as "once terrible." For the revolutionaries, terror therefore provided a means of legitimation, but one that always had to be guarded and reinforced.
Early modern political discourse was no stranger to the use of angels and demons to denote the binary opposition between good and evil, Self and Other - and neither was the early modern stage. References to the divine and the demonic might be used to clarify complex political issues to the public, legitimise one's own position, or sling mud at one's opponents. This article focuses on two early Jacobean history plays, Barnabe Barnes's The Devil's Charter (1606) and Thomas Heywood's If You Know Not Me You Know Nobody (1605); it examines the use of angels and demons in the staging of issues of religious difference and political action in the confusing years following Queen Elizabeth's death in 1603, when old attitudes to traditional 'Others' had to be reconfigured in the light of the views and interests of the new monarch, King James VI and I.
The Crown and the Crowd
Sublimations of Monarchy in Georgian Satirical Prints
Hunt observes: At the beginning of the reign, satires almost exclusively emphasised the monarch’s political role as head of government and the traditional guardian of the people’s welfare. By its end, however, caricatures almost universally portrayed