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Lawrence Hamilton

I argue that 'negative' freedom or freedom as absence of impediment is better described as freedom within a putative 'private' sphere, where individuals are allegedly protected from the coercive interference of other agents. As such it is characterised by four problems as an account of freedom under modern conditions. I then consider two alternatives, within which freedom is identified with politics or political action, and argue that they are therefore also inappropriate for understanding modern freedom. Yet, I do not discard them completely. In the main part of the paper, I draw on Machiavelli's emphasis on institutionalised class conflict as constitutive of freedom and propose a conception of freedom that captures the manifold conditions for freedom of action today. This realistic, modern conception of freedom identifies freedom with power across four domains; and it follows from this, I argue pace Pettit, that representative, partisan political institutions are requirements for freedom and democracy.

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The Limits of Liberal Democracy

Prospects for Democratizing Democracy

Viviana Asara

( Eckersley 2004 ). One of the two founding principles of liberal democracy, freedom, when intended in its individualistic meaning of negative freedom, that is, the individualistic freedom from impediments or constrictions, can easily translate or be reworked

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Lasse Thomassen

traditions is exemplary, even if some philosophers may balk at the way he appropriates specific thinkers and concepts. Hamilton’s argument centres on the relationship between three concepts: freedom, power and representation. He rejects both the negative

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Brand of Brothers?

The Humboldt Forum and the Myths of Innocence

Jonathan Bach

(both in English and German, despite linguistic differences). We could call the first exculpatory, or the act of being innocent of something. This is a form of negative freedom—freedom from an accusation about harm, guilt, or debt, as referenced

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Putting Together the Anthropology of Tax and the Anthropology of Ethics

Soumhya Venkatesan

choice and decision making rather than on the collective good. Indeed, several people with whom I work support—and some actively invoke—the enlargement of negative freedoms. This upholds their ideological focus on the individual as the locus of

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Apartheid of Thought

The Power Dynamics of Knowledge Production in Political Thought

Camilla Boisen and Matthew C. Murray

account of freedom today, what Berlin called ‘negativefreedom and modern libertarians call ‘pure negative’ liberty, conceives of freedom in terms of obstacles or impediments – I lack freedom if an impediment or obstacle inhibits me from doing what I want

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Giving and Taking without Reciprocity

Conversations in South India and the Anthropology of Ethics

Soumhya Venkatesan

‘freedom from’ or ‘negative freedom’. According to Berlin (1969: 130) , the negative sense of freedom may be conceptualized as “What am I free to do or be?” and the positive as “Who is to say what I am, and what I am not, to be or to do?” My contention is

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Robin Rodd

oriented around negative freedom and individual rights ( Caetano 2011: 69 ). Batllismo speaks to contradictions within liberalism and between liberalism and democracy. Liberalism and democracy are philosophical principles with contradictory tendencies, so

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Ajume H. Wingo

to as negative freedom ( Berlin 1969 ; Constant 1816 ). The contrast between free citizens and viyung highlights the degree to which citizenship depends on self-conscious participation in the shared purposes of the community. Citizenship in

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Fadi Amer

of opportunity and free choice I find Georg Hegel's insistence that the essential being of the spirit lies in self-determination, criticising negative freedom as an abstraction (2011). Similarly, Jean-Jacques Rousseau's social contract aims at free