Recently two neo-Nazis were tried in Leeds Crown Court for disseminating material which incited Jew-hatred. This case was particularly important since its outcome determined whether Jews are protected under the Public Order Act of 1986.
The rise of neo-Nazism in the capital of the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) was not inspired by a desire to recreate Hitler's Reich, but by youthful rebellion against the political and social culture of the GDR's Communist regime. This is detailed in Fuehrer-Ex: Memoirs of a Former Neo-Naxi by Ingo Hasselbach with Tom Reiss (Random House, New York, 1996). This movement, however, eventually worked towards returning Germany to its former 'glory' under the Third Reich under the guidance of 'professional' Nazis.
Post-Wall Memory Politics Surrounding the Neo-Nazi Riots in Rostock and Hoyerswerda
This paper examines antiforeigner violence in the former East German towns of Hoyerswerda (1991) and Rostock-Lichtenhagen (1992) as a case study for both the heightened presence of neo-Nazi/skinhead groups in Germany following 1989/in the Wende period, and the memory politics employed by German politicians in the Bundestag, as well as in media discourse, with regards to the problems entailed in uniting two Germanys which had experienced entirely difference processes of Vergangenheitsbewältigung. My analysis of the riots focuses mainly on the mnemonic discourses surrounding them, in particular the work that the image of “the East German skinhead” does within the broader context of German memory politics. This paper is also situated within the context of present-day German politics with regards to shifting cultures of memory and the electoral success of Alternative for Germany.
Angela Merkel and the Challenges of Far-Right Populism
Joyce Marie Mushaben
three-child families, demanding law and order, as well as a return to nuclear energy (post Fukushima). Moving ever farther right, the AfD added unsavory, neo-Nazi characters, such as Thüringia's Björn Höcke (with prior criminal convictions). 23 Some
Frank Decker and Lazaros Miliopoulos
Right-wing extremist and populist parties operate in a rather difficult social and political environment in Germany, rendering notable electoral success fairly improbable, especially when compared to other European countries. The main reason for this is the continuing legacy of the Nazi past. Nevertheless the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) managed to gain substantial votes in recent Land elections and became the leading force in the right-wing extremist political camp. Its success is attributable to rightwing extremist attitudes in some parts of the electorate in connection with a widespread feeling of political discontent. Nevertheless, it is questionable whether the NPD will be able to transform these attitudes into a viable ideological basis for two main reasons. On the one hand, maintaining a neo-Nazi ideology makes the NPD unattractive to many potential voters. On the other hand, given its internal power struggles and severe financial problems, the party may be unable to meet its challenges in organizational terms.
Much has been written about German right-extremist groups, regardless of whether they are neo-Nazi political parties or skinheads, but little has been published about their recruitment of new members and sympathizers. As is true of any group, the rightist movement needs constantly TO replenish its ranks in order not to shrink. Thus, they seek recruits in the high school and university student populations. In the latter, they have wooed members of conservative fraternities especially. Moreover, they have sought to win over recruits and officer trainees in the German armed forces. This article assesses their degree of success and raises the questions whether the recruitment by rightist groups differs from democratic groups and whether the rightist groups pose a threat to the existing democratic system.
Thomas Klikauer, Norman Simms, Helge F. Jani, Bob Beatty, and Nicholas Lokker
Spengler's book is widely taken as one of the key texts to understanding Nazism, even though the Nazis were anything but book-reading intellectuals. Nevertheless, the rise of neo-Nazis and Nazi racialist thought has come about, we are told, in “the land of
A Case Study of a Syrian Refugee Protest in Germany
very active neo-Nazi network. In February 2015, a group of neo-Nazis brandishing burning torches rallied outside a Dortmund refugee centre chanting anti-foreigner slogans, one of an increasing number of far-right public protests in the city ( Deutsche
Pegida’s Community Building and Discursive Strategies
made irrelevant. The term “ Kundgebung ” evokes a deliberate archaic flavor and diffuse vagueness, mirroring Pegida’s strategy of trying to appeal to a broad spectrum of disgruntled groups, from Germany’s ailing Neo Nazi party the National Democratic
used by Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels.” (21) After the AFD’s move to the more radical right, Henkel even called the AfD “ npd light’ (23)—the National Democratic Party, Germany’s most notorious postwar neo-Nazi party. AfD leader of the