Each political change in the former USSR and Russian Federation has had different influences on the lives of local populations in different areas. Nenets, like many other indigenous people of the Russian North, were not tied to any political situation. The perception was that they always lived independently in the tundra using their traditional and historical knowledge. In reality, when comparing even the most recent past of the Nenets to the present, many differences and contradictions become apparent in the lives of these northern people. This article discusses the role of censorship in the transformation and performance of historical narratives concerning the development of the relationship between the state and the indigenous tundra people, here Nenets. By distorting historical facts, through exaggeration and mythologizing real-life events, people tried to shield themselves against negative emotions and memories of the past.
Tundra Nenets' Reminiscences of the 1943 Mandalada Rebellions
A critique of nomadology with reference to West African Fulbe
This article offers a critique of how the anthropology of pastoral nomadic societies participates in the debate about alternative forms of political organization and emancipation. In the first part, I retrace the roots of the reciprocal and circular influence between anthropology and critical theory, focusing on Deleuze and Guattari's “nomadology” and their reliance on ethnographies of “primitive” and especially nomadic people. Attracted by the spatial autonomy and immanent forms of resistance of nomads, their work nourished the poststructuralist interpretation of power, which in turn influenced contemporary radical political anthropologists. In the second part, I reintroduce ethnographic evidence on pastoral nomads into the discussion. Relying on recent ethnographic evidence of the crisis of nomadism, especially in West Africa, I argue that we should be more prudent in considering interstitial spaces of freedom and resistances as strategies for structurally changing power and for emancipation.
Encounters with traditional Buriat cuisine
Indigenous to Inner Asia, Buriats are a formerly nomadic people who now reside in southern Siberia, in the areas east and west of Lake Baikal. Although settled members of the Russian Federation, their traditional cuisine reflects their nomadic roots. Milk and meat products - from horses, cattle, sheep, and goats - are still the two main components of the Buriats' diet, supplemented by wild and cultivated plants (primarily hardy grains and root vegetables). Despite living within the dominant Russian culture, some Buriats still retain their shamanistic beliefs and make offerings to deities or spirits when drinking alcohol or eating certain foods. They have also preserved their ritual methods of slaughtering and butchering livestock, as well as traditional ways of processing the meat.
Ulrike Ottinger’s Johanna d’Arc of Mongolia Goes off the Rails
liberated, long shots of nomadic peoples in immense spaces (see Figure 2 ). It is the past that leads up to this encounter—including the Russian masculine military ethos driving the railroad construction project—but history becomes a troubled or burdensome
of taiga reindeer herding fell into separate loci ( Klokov 2011b , 2012 ). Ten years ago, the question of whether “Siberian reindeer herding is in crisis” was discussed in the issue of Nomadic People (2006) dedicated to modern reindeer herding in
a wide response. It appeared to be a perfect place for Pentecostal church planting thanks to a highly rural population of indigenous people, social marginalization of nomadic people, and poverty, alcoholism, and less education in many rural places
Kendall House, Alexander King, and Karl Mertens
-aged women who use the antler economy as a means to stay closer to their traditional life. But the herds are dwindling in numbers. In the wake of these losses, an array of pathologies familiar to students of the forced resettlement of formerly nomadic peoples
experts, her work perhaps most closely approximates the essence of indigenous methodology. It is important to note that her observations related to the particularities of the Tuvan worldview also extend to the specifics of the worldviews of other nomadic
Soviet Archeological “Discoveries” and Indigenous Evenkis
material from cracks and crevices such as stone arrowheads left as offerings. For local nomadic people, such observations of old offerings left next to rock art sites used to call for leaving one's own offerings and attending these sites in case of
commenced a campaign of collectivization on the Evenki economy, with the goal of turning these nomadic people into sedentary, “civilized” Soviet citizens. Collectivization thus proceeded with the settlement and relocation of many Evenkis as well as the mass