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Geoff Kennedy

This article examines the development of popular discourses of liberty as independence emerging from the struggles between peasants and landlords over the course of the late medieval and early modern periods. This discourse, relating to the aspirations of the dependent peasantry for free status, free tenure, and free labor, articulated a conception of independence that overlapped with the emerging republican discourse of the seventeenth century. However, whereas republicanism focuses almost exclusively on the arbitrary powers of the monarchical state, the popular tradition emphasizes freedom from the arbitrary powers of landlordism. After a brief introduction to the republican conception of liberty and a discussion of the dependent peasantry in England, the work of Gerrard Winstanley is presented as an innovative synthesis of popular and republican discourses of freedom as independence from the arbitrary powers of exploitation.

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Republican Freedom in the Labour Market

Exploitation Without Interpersonal Domination

Fausto Corvino

In this article, I query whether participation in the labour market can hinder neo-republican freedom as non-domination. I briefly present the view of Philip Pettit on the topic, based on the distinction between offering a reward and threatening a punishment. I compare it to the analysis of labour republicans, recently reconstructed by Alex Gourevitch, according to whom, the exclusion of a group of individuals from the control of productive assets represents a form of structural domination. Then, I explain why I take a position that is different from both. I hold that capitalist structural domination leads only to exploitation, not interpersonal domination. In doing this, I consider two objections that might be raised against my argument. The first one is based on incomplete contracts and on a possible ideal benchmark for job offers. The second one challenges the supposed arbitrariness of unequal property relations within the capitalist social system.

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Jean-François Grégoire

In an effort towards developing a normative theory of federalism, this paper offers a critical assessment of the work of Will Kymlicka and Ferran Requejo in order to show the progress and failures of liberal nationalist authors on issues raised by the normative dimensions of federalism in Western multinational contexts. More exactly, the paper argues that both authors fail to give a complete theory of federalism because the liberal conception of self-determination as non-interference can only create superficial unity and contingent trust, especially in multinational contexts, where non-interference is to regulate relations between particular identities and conceptions of citizenship. Drawing on this critical assessment of liberal nationalism, I argue that the neo-republican ideal of non-domination, as developed by Philip Pettit (1997, 2012), provides us not only with the adequate normative heuristics to assess national rights of self-determination, but also international relations and the institutional conditions needed to create binding trust within multinational federal constellations.

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Lawrence Hamilton

and control to citizens in the face of these, and other potential forms of domination. I am aware though that this will leave many philosophers dissatisfied as it fails to provide a neat definition of domination and non-domination, but, luckily for me

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Monique Deveaux

domination, in part by obscuring the needs and interests—complex and sometimes contradictory—of actors under a veneer of inclusion and apparent equality. Normative ideals of non-domination and equality in deliberation are, however, rather general and

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Patrick Young, David Looseley, Elayne Oliphant and Kolja Lindner

–2013 controversy over gay marriage. Therefore, in seeking to reconceptualize secularism as “non-domination,” or tolerance, Vauchez’s and Valentin’s important contribution could be all the more effective if coupled with an antiracist strategy. Notes 3 See Jeremy

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Joan Vergés-Gifra

offers of freedom as non-domination; when he says that freedom should be seen as a common good he comes closer to the ideal of fraternity than in a vision in which freedom is not seen to be a common good ( Pettit 1997 : ch. 4). If we accept the division