in parliament, 21 which led to the first government with a far-right coalition partner lasting until 2007. Since 2008, the fpö and other right wing populist parties such as the splinter bzö (Bündnis Zukunft Österreich, or Alliance for the Future
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Pegida in Parliament?
Explaining the Failure of Pegida in Austria
Farid Hafez
Radical Right-Wing Populists in Parliament
Examining the Alternative for Germany in European Context
Lars Rensmann
) party in the German parliament since the Nazi era. This caesura potentially marks a critical juncture: the beginning of a new, centrifugal and polarized era in German electoral and parliamentary politics, and the transformation of Germany’s postwar
Reflections on the Meaning of the “Crisis of Democracy”
Nadia Urbinati
citizens refer to in ordinary political language is the one in which they live: a constitutional representative democracy. The institutions of this form of democracy—which pivots on parliament and its lawmaking function—were designed and implemented during
Something Happened to the Future
Reconstructing Temporalities in Dutch Parliamentary Debate, 1814–2018
Joris van Eijnatten and Pim Huijnen
in the course of the period; the dip between 1931 and 1950 was caused by the suspension of parliament during World War II. Period Token count 1814–1830 8,711,404 1831–1850 14,071,235 1851–1870 39
The 1999 Elections to the European Parliament
Philip Daniels
The fifth elections to the European Parliament were held in Italy on
13 June 1999 against a background of domestic political turbulence.
The centre-left government of Massimo D’Alema, which had
taken office in October 1998, was inherently tenuous, based as it
was on a broad, multi-party majority including several MPs who
had been elected with the opposition centre-right coalition in the
1996 national elections. At the same time, the party system was
still highly fluid: new parties and political formations were entering
the electoral arena and party identities and electoral alliances
were characterised by instability. This turbulence in the party system
was manifest in the 1999 European elections in which twentysix
parties and movements presented lists, many contesting
European elections for the first time. In contrast to the majoritarian
mechanisms used in national parliamentary and local elections,
the proportional electoral system used for European elections, with
its relatively low threshold for representation, encourages the proliferation
of party lists and offers few incentives for the parties to
form electoral alliances.
Continuing Formalization of Coalition Formation with a New “Sound”
Negotiating the Coalition Contract after the 2021 Bundestag Election
Sven T. Siefken
degree of fragmentation, both in elections and in parliaments—and more coalition options exist than ever before. 10 Over 40 parties participated in the 2021 elections—a historic record. During the campaign, parties refrained from articulating clear
Agenda Control by Committee Chairs in Fragmented Multi-party Parliaments
A Knesset Case Study
Maoz Rosenthal
while supporting the coalition ( Strøm 1998 ). Indeed, empirical literature has shown that this can actually be the case in multi-party parliaments ( Fortunato et al. 2017 ; Kim and Loewenberg 2005 ). Yet as parties’ policy positions become more diverse
The Work of Parliament in the Year of the Technocratic Government
Andrea Pedrazzani and Luca Pinto
In November 2011, when the Italian sovereign debt crisis reached its peak, the Berlusconi IV government was replaced by a “caretaker” cabinet headed by Mario Monti. Composed exclusively of non-partisan ministers, the Monti government represents a clear deviation from how parliamentary democracies are generally expected to work. This chapter analyzes the activity and functioning of the Italian Parliament during the 13 months in which Monti remained in office. Compared to the previous government, we find that, quantitatively, the legislative production between the two executives is not significantly different, although the legislative process during the Monti government appears to have been faster. Not surprisingly, from the qualitative point of view, the bills passed during the caretaker government focused mainly on economic topics. Our findings suggest that the apparent broad consensus on Monti's agenda masked important differences between the main parties that supported the government.
The Italian Parliament twixt the Logic of Government and the Logic of Institutions (Much Ado about Something—but What Exactly?)
Giliberto Capano and Marco Giuliani
During the course of 2002, political news frequently focused on the
formal procedures and the informal dynamics of the workings of the
Italian Parliament. In a number of striking cases—international letters
“rogatory,” false accounting, “legitimate suspicion,” the “objective
law,” the conflict of interests, the law of delegation on employment,
the sending of troops abroad, and so on—journalists have had to
adapt their vocabulary, usually very careful of internal party and interparty
equilibria but superficial when it comes to parliamentary matters,
to the novelty of the subject at hand. However, it is not only
because of these headline stories that the country’s most important
representative institution deserves closer analysis. Parliament and its
relationship with the second Berlusconi government have created a
series of expectations over the past year: a form of political bi-polarity
free of “underhanded dealings” and “about-turns”; a tough battle
between a government coalition comforted by its parliamentary
majority and an opposition reunited in its struggle against the common
enemy.
German State Constitutional Courts
The Justices
Werner Reutter
than 700 decisions per year (some 45 per court). 5 Some of these rulings have made headlines, 6 but even more important are the routine decisions that rarely receive nationwide media attention, many of which pertain to the power of parliaments, the