Citizens increasingly engage with political issues in new ways by addressing politicians via social media, campaigning at international forums, or boycotting corporate entities. These forms of engagement move beyond more regulated electoral politics and are rightly celebrated for the ways they increase representation and provide new channels of accountability. Yet, despite these virtues, political engagement beyond voting inevitably tends to entrench and amplify inequality in citizen influence on political decision-making. The tendency toward inequality undermines relational equality between citizens and muddies the channels of political accountability and responsibility. This article unpacks the ostensible tension and argues that it reveals to us another strength in views which hold the state to be citizens’ collective project and provides argumentative resources to motivate democracies to give due attention to ensuring that democratic participatory channels remain fit for purpose in an ever-changing society.
Bifurcated Veterans’ Mobilization and Political Order in Post-settlement El Salvador
’ associations mobilize tens of thousands of people around veterans’ demands. The struggles not only concern the implementation of a veterans’ law that grants the veterans extensive compensation but also pertains to claims for political influence and status
Theorizing dispossession and mirroring conspiracy in the Republic of Georgia
Katrine Bendtsen Gotfredsen
( Pelkmans 2006: 181 ; Frederiksen 2015 ), narratives of political influence and power largely operating hidden from view ( Dunn 2014: 303 ; Manning 2007 ), and general mistrust of official accounts of national developments and political events ( Gotfredsen
An immigration dilemma has confronted the Federal Republic of
Germany since the early 1970s. Postwar labor migrants from predominantly
Muslim countries in the Mediterranean basin were not
officially encouraged to settle long-term, yet many stayed once
immigration was halted in 1973. Though these migrants and their
children have enjoyed most social state benefits and the right to family
reunification, their political influence has remained limited for
the last quarter-century. Foreigners from non-EU countries may not
vote in Germany, migrants are underrepresented in political institutions,
and state recognition of Muslim religious and cultural diversity
has not been forthcoming. Since 1990, however, a much smaller but
significant number of Jewish migrants from eastern Europe and the
former Soviet Union have arrived in Germany. This population of
almost 150,000 has been welcomed at the intersection of reparations
policy and immigrant integration practice.
Stacy M. K. George
Scholars have noted the variety of ideological and religious perspectives present in the Tea Party movement. This study addresses why both religious and nonreligious individuals may be involved in the Tea Party despite its cultural connection to ‘traditional’ conservative Christianity. The article explores Tea Party participation and commitment, arguing that group membership is sustained by the party’s ability to create interaction rituals reflective of Christian culture as an acknowledgement of American Christian values. The Tea Party frames its ideology as sacred, thereby establishing group commitment and cohesion. As a result, it is capable of attracting constituents from inside and outside of the Religious Right. By validating the experiences of others and creating a system of interdependency, the Tea Party has the potential to create group solidarity leading to collective action and exceptional political influence.
Emotions, Brazilian Politics and the German Jewish Émigré Circle in São Paulo, 1933–1957
By using the example of Jewish immigration to São Paulo in the 1930s and 1940s and analysing the history of the Congregação Israelita Paulista (CIP) under the leadership of Fritz Pinkuss, this article shows how emotions were used in different ways. Such an approach gives new insight into the complexity of migration history. The Brazilian government under Gétulio Vargas openly embraced emotional mobilisation against ‘Semites’ and ‘foreigners’, and in so doing wanted to introduce a new understanding of the nation and secure their political influence. At the same time, Pinkuss also used emotions in his communal policies to establish a new religious union, a new form of inclusion and solidarity in the Jewish community. By transferring German Jewish traditions to Brazil and emphasising their flexibility, Pinkuss not only created a new emotional bond, but also laid the ground for integration of the émigré community into Brazilian society.
Crime, Corruption and Entrepreneurship in an Indian Company Town
In the Tata company town of Jamshedpur, incisive popular discourses of corruption posit a mutually beneficial relationship between ‘legitimate’ institutions and organised criminality, a dynamic believed to enable pervasive transformations in the city’s industrial and financial infrastructures. This article situates this local discourse within the wider body of anthropological work on South Asian corruption, noting a discursive departure from the hegemonic, personalised and essentially provincialising corruption models encountered by many researchers. The article interrogates the popular model of crime and corruption in Jamshedpur through a focus upon the business practices of local violent entrepreneurs, exploring the extent to which their negotiations with corrupt institutions and ‘legitimate’ capital may indeed inform their successes. Drawing analytic cues from material on organised crime in the former USSR, this article identifies a mutually beneficial relationship between political influence, violence and industrial capital in an Indian company town.
Explaining Unconventional Protest and Public Support for Actions against Food Waste
Benedikt Jahnke and Ulf Liebe
its determinants, we consider the following factors: perceived political influence, political alienation, perceived legitimacy of violence, social and personal norms, and self-identity. All of these factors are discussed in the literature on
's intimacy with the king as a conduit to his consideration. As long as her political influence remained veiled, cloaked by her role as fashion and cultural icon and arbiter at court and enhanced by her erotic role as the king's lover, she could exercise it
election results through bribery or vote buying may often lead to unfairness but perhaps not in every case. If bribing is sufficiently widespread, then it may not be unfair to bribe where doing so might contribute to having a minimum of political influence