This article traces the uses of zeitgeist in early nineteenth-century European political discourse. To explain the concept's explosive takeoff in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, two perspectives are combined. On the one hand, the concept is shown to be a key element in the new, “temporalized” discourses of cultural reflection emerging during this time. On the other, its pragmatic value as a linguistic tool in concrete political constellations is outlined on the basis of case studies from French, British, and German political discourse. Developing this two-sided perspective, the article sheds light on an important aspect of early nineteenth-century political discourse while also pointing to some general considerations concerning the relationship between the semantic and pragmatic analysis of historical language use.
Zeitgeist in Early Nineteenth-Century Political Discourse
of nationhood, which in developed liberal democracies is perceived as illegitimate within mainstream political discourse, enjoys public support in Israel from almost all shades of the political spectrum. Pro-immigration Rhetoric Despite the dominance
Saskia van Genugten
In 2009, the renowned Italian author Claudio Magris received the
Frankfurter Book Trade Peace Prize. As an engaged political writer,
his acceptance speech inescapably entailed a message. He called
upon Europe to be cautious. He warned against political populism. He
emphasized the existence of “invisible barriers” between immigrants
and natives in the major European cities. He called upon his country
of origin in particular, stating that, “as an Italian patriot,” he hoped
that his country would “not again be seen as a pioneer for the wrong
reasons: after all we invented fascism in Europe."
Political Rhetoric at the Center of a Technological Project
This article gives a detailed account of the political processes and stages involved in the implementation of video surveillance devices in two major Portuguese cities, Oporto and Lisbon. It seeks to draw two main conclusions regarding the introduction of these systems in public areas and the developments that they have undergone over the period under analysis. The first is that installing these devices reflects a political response designed to provide a hasty solution to a social phenomenon—fear—that is largely subjective. The second is that the generalized perception as to the uncertainty of the effectiveness of these systems explains the lack of consistency and coordination in their implementation. The article concludes by discussing fear and insecurity in the context of concerns for a more efficient justice system.
Time, Public Credit, and David Hume's Political Discourses
Edward Jones Corredera
-European framework whereby nations could benefit from the perpetually quickening pace of the economy. 11 By 1764, however, when Hume revised his essay “Of Public Credit,” he showed how the speed of credit had overwhelmed both politics and political discourse, and as
placing himself at the centre of the breaking of the 1683 siege. Through repelling the Ottoman Empire, Europe flourishes as a white, Christian continent. This view is frequently adopted in far-right political discourse. In the early 2000s, a far-right blog
Public Protest and Community-Building in Post–Economic Collapse Iceland
overseas in the early 2000s. Indeed, in the lead-up to the collapse, successful entrepreneurs were colloquially referred to as “business Vikings” (útrásarvíkingar). Within news media and political discourse, these executives were referred to as embarking on
Semantic Investigations of a Counterconcept during the French Revolution
the French Revolution Most works on counterrevolution analyze political and social characteristics of so-called counterrevolutionary actors but do not extend their scope to the uses of the concept in historical political discourse. As a result, even
What Kind of State Have Lithuanians Been Fighting For?
This article deals with the question of the conceptualization of state (Lith. valstybe) in twentieth-century Lithuanian political thought and its reflections in Sąjūdis, the Lithuanian independence movement, during the years 1988-1990. It is a commonly accepted myth that Sąjūdis restored the language of Lithuania's interwar period and thus the nation-centered, nationalistic paradigm of that period. A closer look at the political discourse of the interwar period suggests that it is misleading to talk about this kind of restitution. Furthermore, considering the fact that it is important to take into account the Soviet paradigms of the state that influenced Lithuanian political discourse for fifty years, the article finds arguments for speaking about a continuation of Soviet political discourse. Thus, along with restitution, it is possible to find continuities while conceptualizing state in Sąjūdis. While analyzing the meaning and semantic fields of those concepts, it is possible to draw arguments about the real nature of the political transformation of Soviet Lithuania.
Some Remarks on the Practice and Future of a Project
Karin Tilmans and Wyger Velema
This article is a progress report on the Dutch national conceptual history project. The project places emphasis on interdisciplinarity, the resort to the widest possible range of sources, and the prospect of international comparison. The initiative, started by a group of Dutch scholars in the 1990s, has so far focused on the concepts of liberty, fatherland, and citizenship, all of which have had a prominent role in a specifically Dutch political discourse.