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Roger Hamburg

Jonathan P.G. Bach, Between Sovereignty and Integration: German Foreign Policy and Identity after 1989 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999)

David F. Patton, Cold War Politics in Postwar Germany (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999)

Marc Trachtenberg, A Constructed Peace: The Making of the European Settlement, 1945-1963 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999)

Celeste A. Wallander, Mortal Friends, Best Enemies: German-Russian Cooperation after the Cold War (Ithaca/London: Cornell University Press, 1999)

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Play of Mirrors

An Encounter of Personal Biographies with Europe’s Journey

Marcos Farias Ferreira

distinctive as the ‘post-Cold War’, a celebratory time with all its dreams, promises and deep moral failures emerging in close tension with its nemesis, the Cold War. Dramatically enough, I cannot help wondering about the fragility of Havel’s cosmopolitan

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Jennifer A. Yoder

Well before the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea and the conflict in eastern Ukraine, the bilateral relationship between Germany and Russia began to deteriorate. This article traces German-Russian relations since the end of the Cold War in order to identify the reasons for the deterioration of the bilateral relationship. It examines the key debates inside Germany about its Russia policy, suggesting when and why the terms of the debates changed.

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Luke B. Wood

Germany’s increased power capabilities in foreign affairs since reunification have prompted scholars to argue that the country should be viewed as a regional hegemonic power, exercising significant influence not only over smaller countries in Eastern and Southern Europe, but also over the institutions of the European Union. After providing a critical assessment of the literature on hegemony in Europe, this article outlines three main trends in the scholarship on German power in European affairs. First, scholars tend to exaggerate Berlin’s power capabilities relative to other major European states such as France, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Research shows that Europe is best understood as a multipolar regional order, not a hegemonic system dominated by one powerful state. Second, German leadership in Europe is contested and often delegitimized. Since 1949, German political elites have not been able to exercise influence in Europe without the support of other European states. This remains true even after the collapse of the Franco-German “tandem” in the wake of the European debt crisis. Third, scholars fail to adequately address how American power in the North Atlantic impacts regional polarity. Since reunification, the role of the United States in Europe has only increased and American influence over Eastern Europe, in particular, surpasses that of other European powers, including Germany.

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Using International Criminal Law to Resist Transitional Justice

Legal Rupture in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia

Mikael Baaz and Mona Lilja

showcase of liberal post–Cold War transitional justice and state building, the Agreements on a Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict (henceforth the Paris Peace Agreements) were signed in Paris on 23 October 1991 under UN supervision

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Introduction

Desire for the political in the aftermath of the Cold War

Dace Dzenovska and Nicholas De Genova

desire for the political in the extended post–Cold War era. We are interested in the wider social manifestations of this desire, whether in mass protest movements or everyday life, as well as in the ways that critical scholarship invests hope in these

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Iver B. Neumann

ABSTRACT

Since the reign of Peter the Great, Russia has identified itself in opposition to Europe. In the late 1980s, Michael Gorbachev and associates forged a liberal representation of Europe and initiated a Western-oriented foreign policy. Against this westernizing or liberal representation of Europe stood what was at first a makeshift group of old Communists and right-wing nationalists, who put forward an alternative representation that began to congeal around the idea that the quintessentially Russian trait was to have a strong state. This article traces how this latter position consolidated into a full-fledged xenophobic nationalist representation of Europe, which marginalized first other forms of nationalism and then, particularly since 2013, liberal representations of Europe. The official Russian stance is now that Russia itself is True Europe, a conservative great power that guards Europe’s true Christian heritage against the False Europe of decadence and depravity to its west.

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Germany and the United States

Whither “Partners in Leadership”?

Matthew Rhodes

Abstract

In 1989, u.s. President George H.W. Bush presented a vision of the United States and Germany as “partners in leadership” in building a peaceful and secure post Cold War world. A confluence of factors brought this vision closest to realization during the overlapping tenures of u.s. President Barack Obama and German Chancellor Angela Merkel. Persistent limitations and shifting conditions including the election of u.s. President Donald Trump now call the future viability of the vision into question, even as u.s.-German ties remain the most plausible anchor of cooperative transatlantic ties in a period of global change.

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Alon Confino, Paul Betts and Dirk Schumann (eds.) Between Mass Death and Individual Loss: the Place of the Dead in Twentieth-Century Germany (New York: Berghahn Books, 2008)

Reviewed by Ran Zwigenberg

Hanna Papanek, Elly und Alexander: Revolution, Rotes Berlin, Flucht, Exil—eine Sozialistische Familiengeschichte, trans. Joachim Helfer and Hannah C, Wettig (Berlin: Vorwärts Buch, 2006).

Reviewed by Gerard Braunthal

Dolores L. Augustine, Red Prometheus: Engineering and Dictatorship in East Germany, 1945-1950 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2007)

Reviewed by Thomas A. Baylis

Tom Dyson, The Politics of German Defense and Security: Policy Leadership and Military Reform in the Post-Cold War Era (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007)

Reviewed by Gale A. Mattox

Rolf Steininger, Austria, Germany and the Cold War: From the Anschluss to the State Treaty, 1938–1955 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2008)

Reviewed by Barbara Stelzl-Marx

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Against ethnicity

Ring composition and conflict resolution

Paul Richards

Ethnicity—once the preserve of anthropologists and folklorists studying disappearing tribal and peasant cultures—has become an important element in the models and explanations of a broader community of social scientists seeking to comprehend post-Cold War social disorder. But is ethnicity equivalent to variables such as resource competition or poverty? Ethnicity can be viewed as an epiphenomenon. The argument has major consequences for the way ethnic conflicts are analyzed and resolved. The article considers neo-Durkheimian conceptual tools for uncovering mechanisms generative of ethnic epiphenomena, and explores a neo-Durkheimian approach to conflict resolution. Specifically, Mary Douglas's ideas on ring composition are extended to include the ethnomusicological project of the Hungarian composer Béla Bartók, and then applied to epiphenomena emerging from the protracted civil conflict in the West African country of Sierra Leone.