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Franziska Quabeck

? Throughout Shakespeare’s plays, whenever the subject of war comes up, characters soon turn to consider claims for its justice and, especially, proportionality. Working through a welter of contradictory statements, ranging from Jack Cade’s bloodthirsty wish to

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Jonas Hultin Rosenberg

makes the all-affected principle incompatible with political equality. This is precisely what has been argued ( Bergström 2007 ; Erman 2013: 860 ; 2014: 537 ; Erman and Follesdal 2012 ; Miller 2009: 216 –217). The proportionality underpinnings of the

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The Best of Times, the Worst of Times

Angela Merkel, the Grand Coalition, and “Majority Rule” in Germany

Joyce Marie Mushaben

(given Britain’s unwritten constitution). Angela Merkel’s ability to lead, however, has been singularly shaped by the dynamics of coalition politics rooted in proportional representation, further fractured by unique features of German federalism that

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Gianfranco Baldini and Alan Renwick

The topic of electoral reform, a recurring feature of the Italian political agenda, resurfaced in 2014. At the start of the year, a ruling by the Constitutional Court returned the country to a proportional system, similar to the one in place during the First Republic. This chapter examines the key political responses to that ruling and how the decision has spurred further electoral reforms, resulting in the most majoritarian system in Italy's democratic history.

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Mark Donovan

The referendum of 18 April 1999 was intended to force parliament,

by pressure of public opinion, to revise the mixed electoral system

in a more decisively anti-proportional direction. The existing system,

introduced in 1993, was a compromise outcome which had

resulted from a similar mobilisation against the still powerful parliamentary

elites of the so-called First Republic. Subsequently, supporters

of proportionality had sought to reinforce their position

and the principle of proportional representation, for example via

new legislation on party financing. With the failure of the third

attempt at constitutional reform via parliament (1997–8) and continuing

government instability exemplified by the change of prime

minister and cabinet in October 1998, many despaired of the establishment

of the much invoked and much contested Second Republic.

The failure of the 1999 referendum to reach the quorum,

despite a huge majority in favour of its majoritarian implications,

led many to conclude that a cycle of referendum-driven reform had

come to an end, and with it the chance of achieving a new institutional

framework for the Republic. The pressure for reform

remained strong, however, and new referendum campaigns for

electoral and wider reform were immediately launched.

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Filippo Andreatta and Elisabetta Brighi

Italian foreign policy has always been greatly influenced by the country’s

domestic politics. Certain important historical processes have

made it considerably difficult to separate the country’s external representation

from its domestic political equilibria. This state of affairs

has had a considerable bearing on Italy’s international standing,

which has been inhibited and therefore weakened as a result. The

country’s fragile national tradition, the legacy of a ruinous dictatorship,

and, in particular, the instability of the government, which

underlies the very nature of the proportional electoral system—

together with the existence of the largest communist party outside

the Soviet bloc—have hindered the formation of a bipartisan consensus

and of a foreign policy free from domestic pressures.

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Philip Daniels

The fifth elections to the European Parliament were held in Italy on

13 June 1999 against a background of domestic political turbulence.

The centre-left government of Massimo D’Alema, which had

taken office in October 1998, was inherently tenuous, based as it

was on a broad, multi-party majority including several MPs who

had been elected with the opposition centre-right coalition in the

1996 national elections. At the same time, the party system was

still highly fluid: new parties and political formations were entering

the electoral arena and party identities and electoral alliances

were characterised by instability. This turbulence in the party system

was manifest in the 1999 European elections in which twentysix

parties and movements presented lists, many contesting

European elections for the first time. In contrast to the majoritarian

mechanisms used in national parliamentary and local elections,

the proportional electoral system used for European elections, with

its relatively low threshold for representation, encourages the proliferation

of party lists and offers few incentives for the parties to

form electoral alliances.

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Analyzing intra-regional migration in Sub-Saharan Africa

Statistical data constraints and the role for regional organizations

Stefano Degli Uberti, Philippe De Lombaerde, Sonja Nita, and Elettra Legovini

Africa has long been described as an immensely mobile continent and continues to be viewed in this vein (Amin, 1995; de Bruij n et al., 2001; IOM, 2005). The 2005 World Migration Report describes Africa as “the continent with the most mobile populations in the world” (IOM, 2005, p. 33). In Western Africa, for instance, almost 4.4 million migrants moved in 2005 to another country of the Economic Community of Western African States (ECOWAS) (World Bank, 2010). Compared to the overall international migrants in Western Africa (UNDP, 2009), South-South (S-S) migration accounted for more than 50% in 2005 (ACP, 2010, p. 5; Bakewell, 2009). The volume of intra-regional migrations in Africa seems to be inversely proportional to the availability of statistical data. The shortage of both quantitative and qualitative data on migration (Gnisci & Trémolières, 2006, p. 10; OECD/SWAC, 2006, p. 18; Ratha & Shaw, 2007; Zlotnik, 2003, p. 2) and timely information on population movements, whether internal or international, is a major obstacle to the understanding of migration dynamics in Africa. Nineteen of the 56 countries on the African continent have either no data or just one census providing any information on migrant stocks from the 1950s (Zlotnik, 2003).

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Imagined Germany and the Battle of Models in South Korea

Rival Narratives of Germany in South Korean Public Spheres, 1990–2015

Jin-Wook Shin and Boyeong Jeong

electoral system. South Korea's electoral system is based on local representation and a single-member constituency system, while elements of proportional representation play a marginal role. This institutional tradition has been widely criticized for being

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Elizabeth Hoyt and Gašper Jakovac

principles of responsibility and proportionality. Thus, it would be reductive to apply such simplistic labels as ‘pacifist’ or ‘realist’ to the playwright. In chapter three, Quabeck takes a closer look at the realist/pacifist dichotomy in Shakespeare