, and share and reproduce knowledge? When and why did the key food activists and movements move from an autonomous position holding an oppositional strategy ( Mayer 2013 ) to engagement in the coproduction of public policies? Alternative Food Movements
Lessons from Madrid
Marian Simon-Rojo, Inés Morales Bernardos, and Jon Sanz Landaluze
Michael G. Powell
By considering multiple perspectives on the problem of networking and networks in public policy circles, as well as the wider professional world, this article aims to both draw out and blur boundaries and definitions among multiple levels of networking as an analytic concept, a fieldwork method and a practice observed among policymakers. In making this distinction and explaining it in relation to theorisations of fieldwork rapport and 'complicity,' the article attempts to show that the distance and collegiality that defines professional networking is a viable and potentially quite insightful mode, means and method for conducting fieldwork, particularly for multisited anthropology of public policy projects. To that end, this article offers both conceptual ideas, as well as practical advice for conceiving and conducting fieldwork for an anthropology of public policy project.
Neoliberal Governance and Government Educational Resource Manuals in Canada
Lisa Smith and Stephanie Paterson
others. (Nova Scotia Advisory Council on the Status of Women (hereafter NSACSW) 2006: 3) Over the past fifty years, in Canada and internationally, there has been a significant shift in the way in which young women are represented in public policy. Rather
Adding Social Quality to Organization Studies on Aging
Prabhir Vishnu Poruthiyil
How to Counteract the Isolation of Older Persons and of Organization Studies from Social Policy Management and organization studies (MOS) is vast, diverse, and sophisticated, and it is indeed surprising that its impact on public policy is less than
Democratic Theory through an Agonistic Lens
This article seeks to explore democratic theory by focusing on the example of agonistic democracy, in which contest between citizens is valued for its potential to render politics more inclusive, more engaging, and more virtuous. Using Connolly and Tully’s inclusivism, Chantal Mouffe’s adversarialism, and David Owen’s perfectionism, the article discusses democratic theory as a critique, a series of normative proposals, and a potential bridge between political theory and public policy. It is this bridge that enables democratic theory to pull together critical and normative discussions with those surrounding public policy and institutional design.
Public Policy Against Racial and Ethnic Discrimination in France
Alec G. Hargreaves
The inadequacy of government efforts to curb discrimination against postcolonial minorities, referred to in everyday discourse as “Arabs,” “Muslims,” and “blacks,” is a major weakness in French public policy, feeding resentment that contributes to violent extremism. The first part of this article presents a brief overview of the main policy frames that have been adopted towards postcolonial immigrant minorities in France. The second section examines the development of public policy against racial and ethnic discrimination, highlighting serious limitations with particular reference to police racism, ethnically-based data-gathering, and the Haute Autorité de lutte contre les discriminations et pour l'égalité (HALDE). The third section reviews evidence documenting the high levels of discrimination experienced by racial and ethnic minorities and the ineffectiveness of efforts to combat it. The fourth offers an explanatory framework for the fitful and largely unproductive nature of those efforts.
Evolving Principles of Social Responsibility in Israeli Private Law
This article describes an emerging trend in Israeli private law that strives to incorporate a culture of social responsibility into everyday life. Implemented through the legal principles of 'good faith' and 'public policy' in contracts, this applies mainly to the social responsibility of corporations. The adoption of such concepts in interpersonal relationships emphasizes that this approach aims to include all components of the legal system. The basic Israeli social and constitutional principles are analyzed, along with the role that individuals and business participants, not only government authorities, play in the structuring of a freedom-seeking society. The article concludes that this new trend also corresponds to the social discontent that was evident in Israel during the summer of 2011, as well as to a new way of thinking about the concept of capitalism in the business literature.
While the Federal Republic has been famously characterized as a "grand coalition state," the Merkel government, formed in the after-math of the 2005 federal election, is only the second CDU/CSU-SPD coalition at the federal level since 1949. A comparison of the present administration with the first grand coalition government (1966-1969) reveals a wealth of differences that include some of the basic parameters of governing and governance in Germany, such as the structure of the party system and the overall public climate. Also, the personnel features and patterns of informal coalition governance under Chancellors Angela Merkel and Kurt-Georg Kiesinger display major differences. Arguably the single most important difference between the two administrations, however, relates to the level of public policy, with the Merkel government seeking to reverse some of the key decisions of its historical predecessor. Such u-turn dynamics have been particularly tangible in the field of federal system reform.
Every year, road accidents entail enormous social and human
costs. Particularly alarming is the fact that during the 1990s, Italy
was incapable of improving the situation to the same degree as
other European countries. After a long period of inertia and lack of
interest, however, the Center-Left governments of the most recent
legislature have at last taken action. New policies set in motion
could reverse the trend, enabling Italy to respect the European
Union’s goal of achieving a 40 percent reduction in road mortalities
by the year 2010. Nevertheless, within the political system as a
whole, attention to the matter still appears limited, and there
seems to be no bipartisan consensus on the need to address the
problem. The Center-Right in particular, despite frequently
demanding “strong” state intervention in other matters such as
criminality (which nevertheless causes one-eighth the number of
deaths), appears to be strongly influenced by an individualist and
anti-state culture in this field.
La doble discrepancia de las aristas del poder
Presently, international development organizations have adopted gender perspectives in all policy spheres as a transversal approach as a result of a process that has transited through different foci since the 1950s. Nonetheless, different studies have highlighted the fact that implementation is limited beyond the recurring discourses of governments, non-governmental organizations and funding agencies. We can speak of a discrepancy between rhetoric and practice around gender in development policies, a subject that lies on the edges of power. Furthermore, there is another discrepancy between policy analysis and a gender perspective, where we find little research that achieves a theoretical articulation between two traditions that somehow seem irreconcilable. This article aims to initiate a reflection on that which it identifies as a double discrepancy between gender and policies focused on the edges of power: the failure to integrate gender in development policies and the difficult theoretical articulation of gender within policy. Faced with this double discrepancy, the article proposes some points of convergence around an inclusion of power relations both as a goal of development policies and a policy analysis.