Introduction Contemporary South Africa is still fraught with racial issues. This prompts one to ask whether the reason that racial reconciliation has not yet been realised is as a result of the perceived lack of justice for the crimes of
planners. The overarching aim of this contribution is to explore in greater detail the role of heritage in reconciliation and cooperation on an island marked by violence. Using the TCCH's restoration of the Venetian walls in Nicosia as a case study, I
The Art and Child Artists of the Carrolup Native School and Settlement, Western Australia
Ellen Percy Kraly and Ezzard Flowers
returned to Western Australia. The mobilities and immobilities of both the artists and artworks are keys to unlocking the legacy of Carrolup for present and future generations of Noongar people, as well as for the larger landscape of reconciliation in
An Autoethnography of a Return of Human Remains
Lotten Gustafsson Reinius
repatriation question was central in Australia, forming part of the national reconciliation process and inaugurated with a formal excuse in 1991, it was not until the early 2000s that the question came on the public agenda for Swedes. The case of repatriation
This article concentrates on asymmetrical civil war, one common type of contemporary conflict. My aim is to articulate some of the normative jus post bellum guidelines that should be followed in ending this kind of asymmetrical conflict, and the ideal of just peace that should inform the development of such guidelines. I argue that questions surrounding the just ending and aftermath of asymmetrical conflict should be answered relationally, that is by reference to the kind of relationship such efforts should seek to cultivate. Morally defensible political relationships, I claim, express the general moral values of respect for agency and reciprocity. It is these values, I claim, that processes for ending conflict must express and that inform the regulative ideal of just peace at the core of jus post bellum.
Sites and Senses of ‘Place’ across the Irish Border
Giada Laganà and Timothy J. White
promoting peace and reconciliation between the mainly Protestant unionist/loyalist community and the mainly Catholic nationalist/republican community within Northern Ireland. The programme was conceived to complement the mainstream political efforts at
PEGIDA, AfD, and Memory Culture in Dresden
national and international beacon for peace and reconciliation. 5 However, Dresden has also become a leading center for far-right ideas and activities, particularly since 2014, and this seems only to have strengthened despite tarnishing Dresden's national
Postwar reconciliation and the gender of inter-national encounters
This article confronts the grammar of liberal reconciliation discourses with the gendered practices of post-war encounters. After violence that is considered national, meetings between people of different nationalities, and the reconciliation of which they are seen to be a vanguard, tend to be considered as morally good in and of themselves. This article subjects such liberal reconciliation discourse to a double ethnographic intervention: first, by privileging the practice of non-elite inter-national encounters over abstract notions of reconciliation, and, second, by tracing the particular gendered subject positions of sameness that shaped and were shaped by such encounters. The article explores how, after the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, men who met across former frontlines evoked “normal life” through mutual recognition of performative competence of motifs of hegemonizing masculinities.
Local responses to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
Johanna Mannergren Selimovic
This article juxtaposes local understandings and narratives on justice and reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina with those of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). By looking at notions of collective innocence/guilt, the development of victim identities, and the relativization of the suffering of the other, it explores the failure of the ICTY to offer a convincing model of transitional justice in Bosnia. Although the ICTY disciplines the boundary between victim and perpetrator through measures for shared truth and individual justice, local discourses resist or transform these representations, thus tending to entrench rather than transcend national divisions. The findings of this article challenge prevalent instrumentalist understandings of transitional justice and its role in facilitating reconciliation. The article focuses on the communities of Konjic and Srebrenica and the ICTY outreach conferences held in these towns in 2004 and 2005.
Co-existence, co-operation, and communication in post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina
Anders H. Stefansson
This article critically addresses the idea that ethnic remixing alone fosters reconciliation and tolerance after sectarian conflict, a vision that has been forcefully cultivated by international interventionists in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the town of Banja Luka, it presents a multi-faceted analysis of the effects of ethnic minority return on the (re)building of social relations across communal boundaries. Although returnees were primarily elderly Bosniacs who settled in parts of the town traditionally populated by their own ethnic group, some level of inter-ethnic co-existence and co-operation had developed between the returnees and displaced Serbs who had moved into these neighborhoods. In the absence of national reconciliation, peaceful co-existence in local everyday life was brought about by silencing sensitive political and moral questions related to the war, indicating a preparedness among parts of the population to once again share a social space with the Other.